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THE  CONQUEST  OF  NEW  GEANADA 


. THE   CONQUEST 
OF    NEW    GRANADA 


BY 

SIE   CLEMENTS   MAKKHAM,  6lu.e. 

K.C.B.,  D.SC.  (CAM.) 

HONORABT  MEMBER  OP  THE  HISTOBIOAIi  SOCIETX  OF  ANTIOQUIA 


Siempre  la  brevedad  es  una  cosa 
Con  gran  razon  de  todos  alabada, 
Y  vemos  que  una  platica  es  gustosa 
Quanto  mas  breve  j  menos  afectada. 

Araucana,  Canto  xxvi 


WITH  A  MAP 


NEW  YORK 

E.  P.  BUTTON  AND   COMPANY 

31  WEST   TWENTY-THIRD  STREET 
1912 


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(^^ 


o^^*-    "^^  ^ 


DEDICATED 

{by  permission) 

TO  HIS  EXCELLENCY  DON  CARLOS  E.  RESTREPO 

PRESIDENT 

OF  THB 

REPUBLIC  OF  COLOMBIA 


255406 


PREFACE 

Some  knowledge  of  the  civiKsation  of  the  Aztecs 
and  Incas,  of  the  conquests  of  Mexico  and  Peru  as 
told  by  Prescott,  with  the  stories  of  Cortes  and 
Pizarro,  is  part  of  a  Hberal  education.  But  the 
civiHsation  of  the  Chibchas  and  the  story  of  the 
conquest  of  New  Granada  by  Quesada  has  found 
no  Prescott,  and  is  unknown  to  our  Enghsh 
literature. 

A  great  many  years  ago,  General  Mosquera — 
a  former  well-known  President  of  New  Granada 
— dined  with  Sir  Roderick  Murchison  at  the  Geo- 
graphical Club,  and  took  me  in  his  carriage  to  the 
meeting.  In  conversation  the  General  expressed 
regret  that  although  Mexico  and  Peru  had  found 
a  historian,  writing  in  the  EngUsh  language,  his 
own  country — the  story  of  which  was  quite  as 
interesting — had  not.  General  Mosquera  was 
himself  an  author.^ 

^  Geografla  de  la  Nueva  Granada,  por  General  Tomas  Cipriano  de 
Mosquera  (New  York,  1858).  General  Mosquera  was  bom  at 
Popayan  in  1798.  He  was  a  comrade  and  intimate  friend  of 
Bolivar.  President,  1844-49 ;  again  in  1863  and  1866.  He  died 
in  1878. 


viii  PREFACE 

I  pondered  over  this  expression  of  regret  by 
an  eminent  Colombian.  At  tbat  very  time  I  was 
consulting  the  most  important  of  the  New  Granada 
chronicles,  by  Fray  Pedro  Simon,  for  another 
pmrpose.i  I  was  then  led  to  read  '  Piedrahita,"  a 
later  chronicle,  and  to  translate  '  Cieza  de  Leon  ' ; 
and  I  received  encom'agement  to  write  on  the 
subject  from  Sir  Woodbine  Parish. 

But  I  waited  for  some  more  competent  person 
with  greater  local  knowledge  to  undertake  the  task 
of  presenting  to  EngHsh  readers  the  story  of 
Chibcha  civiUsation  and  of  the  conquest  of  New 
Granada.     I  have  waited  for  fifty  years. 

My  personal  knowledge  of  Colombia  is  confined 
to  Santa  Martha,  Cartagena,  and  the  Isthmus. 
But  I  have  had  occasions  for  studying  the  geo- 
graphy of  that  interesting  country  for  ofiicial 
purposes.  It  became  an  object,  in  connection 
with  chinchona  cultivation  in  British  India,  to 
.  obtain  and  pubUsh  the  valuable  drawings  of  plants 
of  the  chinchona  genus  growing  in  Colombia, 
by  Mutis,  which  I  found  in  the  tool-house  of  the 
Botanical  Gardens  at  Madrid.  I  then  obtained 
sanction  for  their  publication  under  the  editorship 

*  I  was  writing  the  Introduction  to  a  volume  of  the  Hakluyt 
Society  entitled  The  Search  for  El  Dorado. 


PREFACE  ix 

of  an  eminent  Colombian  botanist,  Don  Jose 
Triana.-^  Afterwards  I  employed  Mr.  Cross,  a  very 
able  gardener  and  traveller,  to  explore  the  region 
of  the  C,  Pitayensis,  to  the  east  of  Popayan  and 
Timana.  He  brought  me  back  a  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  that  interesting  region.  I  also  published, 
in  1867,  translations  of  the  works  of  Dr.  Mutis  and 
of  Dr.  Karstan  on  the  chinchona  genus,  with  intro- 
ductory notes  and  Hves.  A  letter  from  Senor  Don  ^ 
Narciso  Lorenzano,  dated  March  1864,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  cultivation  of  chinchona-trees  in  their  • 
original  habitat,  led  to  my  pubhcation,  in  Spanish,  ^ 
in  1867,  of  a  handbook  of  chinchona  cultivation  for 
the  use  of  Colombian  proprietors.  I  subsequently 
had  some  official  correspondence  on  Colombian 
forest  conservancy,  and  was  elected  an  Honorary 
Member  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Antioquia. 
In  obtaining  the  MS.  of  the  fourth  part  of  the 
work  of  Mutis  at  Madrid,  and  printing  it  for 
the  first  time,  M.  Weddell  was  so  good  as  to  say 
that  I  rendered  great  service  to  the  memory  of 
the  illustrious  botanist  of  Colombia. 

I  mention  these  transactions  to  show  that 
circumstances  have  conduced  to  a  continuance  of 

^  NouveUes  itudes  sur  Us  quinquinas  accompagnees  de  facsimile 
des  dessins  de  la  quinologie  de  Mutis,  por  J.  Triana  (folio,  Paris, 
1870}. 


X  PREFACE 

that  interest  in  the  land  of  the  Chibchas  which 
was  first  aroused  by  my  conversation  with  General 
Mosquera. 

I  submit  the  following  brief  account  of  Chibcha 
civihsation  and  of  the  conquest  of  New  Granada 
without  any  thought  of  its  taking  a  place  by  the 
side  of  the  works  of  Prescott.  My  intention  is  far 
enough  from  that.  Its  object  is  only  to  stop  a 
gap  in  Enghsh  hterature  until  such  time  as  it 
may  be  worthily  filled  by  another  more  detailed 
work  from  the  pen  of  some  one  who  is  intimately 
acquainted  with  all  the  locahties,  as  well  as  with  all 
the  original  sources  of  information,  some  of  which 
are  still  undiscovered.  I  trust  that  such  a  future 
author  may  already  exist,  or  will  exist  in  due 
course.  I  have  to  offer  my  cordial  thanks  to  His 
Excellency  Don  Ignacio  Gutierrez-Ponce  for  assis- 
tance and  advice.  Don  Ignacio  is  descended  from 
three  of  the  companions  in  arms  of  Quesada. 


CLEMENTS  B.  MARKHAM. 


21  EccLBSTON  Square,  S.W. 
Septemher,  1912. 


ANALYTICAL  TABLE  OF 
CONTENTS 

Pica 
Dedication v 

Preface vii 

CHAPTER  I 

TELLERS   OF  THE  STORY 

Reports  of  actual  actors  in  the  scenes  they  describe :  Vasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa,  Pascual  de  Andagoya,  Heredia,  Cieza 
de  Leon,  Gonzalo  Jimenes  de  Quesada,  Castellanos,  Pedro 
Simon,  Piedrahita,  Zamora,  Freslc;  Ocariz,  Cassini, 
Herrera,  Oviedo,  Duquesne,    Lugo,  Uricoechea,  Acosta        1 

CHAPTER  II 

THE   CHIBCHA  NATION 

Influence  of  environment — ^Mountains  and  Rivers  of  Colom- 
bia— ^Tribes  of  the  Cauca  Valley — Cemetery  of  Zenu — 
Country  of  the  Chibchas — Chibcha  People :  their  agri- 
culture, appearance,  commerce,  manufactures,  houses, 
progress — ^its  causes    .         .         .         .         .         .         .11 

CHAPTER  III 

THE   CHIBCHA  RELIGION 

The  great  first  cause — Sun-worship — ^Myths — ^The  Bachue 
myth — ^The  Bochica  myth — Deities — ^The  Garachacha 
myth — ^The  Tequendama  myth — ^The  Guatavita  myth 
and  f  esteval — El  Dorado — Gold  in  the  Guatavita  Lake — 
The  Temples — Human  Sacrifice — Sim  and  Moon — Their 
marriage — Link  between  celestial  and  anthropomorphic 
ideas 21 


xii  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  CHIBCHA  LANGUAGE  AND  CALENDAB 

The  language  progressed  with  the  advance  of  the  people — 
Now  a  dead  language — Grammars  and  Vocabularies — 
Grammatical  construction — Words  for  degrees  of  relation- 
ship— ^Numeration — ^Times  and  Seasons — Hieroglyphics  of 
first  ten  numerals — System  of  intercalation — Duquesne's 
explanation  of  the  Calendar — the  Cycle — ^Point  reached 
in  civilisation 31 

CHAPTER  V 

CHIBCHA  GOVERNMENT  :     THE  ZIPA  AND  THE  ZAQUE 

^The  Zipa,  the  Zaque,  and  the  Iraca — Rule  for  succession 
— Capital  and  pleasure  houses  of  the  Zipa — Interments — 
the  Zaque  of  Tunja — the  Zipa  Saguanmachica's  wars 
— the  Zipa  Nemequene's  wars — the  Zipa  Thisquezuza —  > 
Influence  of  the  Iraca — the  Great  Chief  Tutasua — 
Retrospect  of  what  is  known  of  the  Chibchas — Preserva- 
tion of  their  history — Lost  Work  of  Quesada   ...       40 

CHAPTER  VI 

^— SPANIARDS   ON  THE  COAST 

Expedition  of  Bastidas — Ojeda  and  Nicuesa — ^Defeat  of 
Ojeda — Ojeda  in  the  Gulf  of  Urab4 — Failure  and  death 
of  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa — Relief  expedition  of  Enciso — 
Rise  of  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa — ^Expedition  of  Pedrarias 
— Description  of  the  coast  by  Enciso     .         .         ►        .       49 

CHAPTER  VII 

VASCO  NUNEZ  DE  BALBOA 

Early  days  of  Vasco  Nunez — Took  command  of  OjedaV 
starving  colony — His  capacity — His  measures — His  good 
treatment  of  natives — Accoimt  of  Coiba  and  Comogre 
— ^Natives  of  the  Isthmus — Vagco  Nunez  received  informa- 
tion of  Dobaibe  and  his  gold — Love  for  the  daughter  of 


CONTENTS  xiii 

PA.GK 

Careta — News  of  the  Pacific  Ocean — Ships  arrive  with 
provisions — Letter  to  Charles  V. — Discovery  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean — Arrival  of  Pedrarias — Pedrarias  brings  robbery 
and  murder — ^Atrocities  of  Morales — Vasco  Nunez  writes 
again  to  Charles  V. — Character  of  Pedrarias — Stores 
and  fittings  for  shipbuilding — Building  of  the  ships — 
Betrayal  of  Vasco  Nunez — ^Murder  of  the  great  discoverer 
— His  death  a  calamity — Panama  founded — ^Nicaragua — 
Death  of  Pedrarias — Destruction  of  the  natives  of  the 
Isthmus — Retreat  of  survivors — ^Brave  defence  and  inde- 
pendence     .62 

CHAPTER  VIII 

SETTLEMENTS    ON  THE   COAST 

Bastidas,  first  Governor  of  Santa  Martha-r-His  murderer— r 
Palomino  the  second  Grovemor — Vadillo  and  Palomino  f 
— Garcia  de  Lerma,  fourth  Governor  of  Santa  Martha — 
Exploring  the  Magdalena — Oidor  Infante,  fifth  Governor — 
Pedro  de  HTefedia,  Governor  of  Cartagena — Expeditions 
of  Heredia  and  Cesar — ^The  Velzer  rule  in  Venezuela — 
Cruelty  of  Alfinger — Expedition  of  George  of  Spires — 
Expedition  of  Federman 80 

CHAPTER  IX 

DARK  CLOUDS  GATHERING  TO  THE  SOUTH  AND  WEST 

Story  of  the  discovery  of  the  Cauca  Valley — Origin  of 
Sebastian  de  Belalcazar — Founding  of  Popayan  by  Belal- 
cazar — Aldana  appointed  to  supersede  him — Vadillo's 
flight  from  justice — Cieza  de  Leon — Vadillo's  expedition — 
Cesar's  experience — The  chief  Nutibara  and  his  brother — 
Defeat  of  Spaniards  by  Nutibara — Buritica  chief  burnt  by 
Vadillo — VadUlo  reaches  the  Cauca — ^Death  of  Cesar — ^Dis- 
covery of  the  Cauca  Valley — Vadillo  sent  home — Robledo 
appointed  by  Aldana — Cruelty  of  Robledo — Cartago  and 
Antioquia  founded — Robledo  sent  to  Spain — Andagoya 
lands  at  Buenaventura — Character  of  Aldana — Aiiasco — 
Founding  of  Timana — Andagoya  at  Popayan — Return  of 
Belalcazar — Services  in  Peru — Belalcazar  and  Heredia — 


xiv  CONTENTS 


PAGK 


Return  of  Robledo — Executed  by  Belalcazar — Belalcazar 
condemned — ^His  death  and  character — Shipwreck  and 
death  of  Heredia 92 

CHAPTER  X 

GONZALO  JIMENES  DE  QCBSADA,  CONQUEROR  OF  THE 
KINGDOM    OF  NEW   GRANADA 

Parentage  and  birth  of  Quesada — His  boyhood  and  educa- 
tion at  Granada — the  Adelantado,  Pedro  Fernandez  Lugo 
— Made  Governor  of  Santa  Martha — His  son  Alfonso  Pedro 
to  be  his  Lieutenant— Quesada  to  be  Chief  Magistrate — 
Arrival  at  Santa  Martha — Expeditions — ^Alfonso  Luis 
steals  gold  and  deserts — Expedition  up  the  Magdalena — 
Quesada  to  command — Expedition  starts — ^the  Captains — 
Flotilla  on  the  Magdalena  to  meet  troops  coming  by  land — 
The  march — Touching  scene — ^Mother  and  Son — Quesada 
reaches  Sompallon  on  the  Magdalena — Adventures  of  the 
Flotilla — Arrival  at  Sompallon — Sufferings  on  the  march 
— Reaches  La  Tora — ^Mouth  of  the  Opon — Firm  resolution 
of  Quesada — ^Ascent  of  the  River  Opon — ^Argument  from 
trade  in  salt — ^Disaster  to  the  Flotilla  on  return — ^March 
up  the  mountains — ^Arrival  in  sight  of  the  Chibcha  country    1 10 

CHAPTER  XI 

BURSTING   OP  THE   STORM 

Scene  of  peace  and  plenty — ^The  Zipa  in  his  palace — ^The 
news  arrives — ^The  Zipa  marches  to  encounter  the  enemy — 
Rout  and  retreat  of  the  Zipa — Quesada  at  Chia — FUght 
of  the  Zipa — ^The  Spaniards  reach  the  Zipa's  capital — 
Exploring  expeditions — ^The  Panches  defeat  the  Spaniards 
— Search  for  the  emerald  mine — ^March  to  Timja — Palace 
of  the  Zaque — Plimder  of  the  Zaque's  palace — His  death — 
Temple  of  Suamo  burnt — Last  of  the  Iracas — ^The  chief 
Tutama — Battle  of  Bonda — ^March  to  the  Valley  of  Neyva 
— Distribution  of  plimder — Zipa's  camp  betrayed — Death 
of  the  Zipa  Thisquezuza — Attacks  of  Sagipa,  the  last 
Zipa — Fatal  error  of  Sagipa  in  trusting  the  Spaniards- 
Combined    forces    defeat    the    Panches — ^Torture    and 


CONTENTS  XV 

PAGE 

death  of  Sagipa — Quesada  decides  upon  returning  for 
reinforcements — ^Name  of  New  Granada — Founding  of 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota — Arrival  of  Federman  and  Belalcazar 
— Quesada,  Federman,  and  Belalcazar  set  out  for  Spain 
— Quesada' s  brother  Heman  Perez  left  in  charge — ^Deso-  , 
lation  of  the  Chibchas .     127 

CHAPTER  XII 

FINAL  DESTRUCTION   OF  THE   CHIBCHA  NATION       ' 

Character  of  Heman  Perez  de  Quesada — ^The  encomiendas — 
Expedition  of  Lebron — ^Agreement  between  Lebron  and 
Heman  Perez  —  Lebron  retires  —  Wheat  crop  —  First 
wheaten  bread — Heman  Perez  resolves  on  a  search  for 
El  Dorado — Tunja  founded  by  Captain  Suarez — ^Murder 
of  the  last  Zaque — Heman  Perez  sets  out  on  his  expedition 
— Captain  Suarez  left  in  charge — Sufferings  of  Heman 
Perez  and  his  men — Glorious  fight  for  Hberty  of  Timdama 
— ^Mmxier  of  Tundama — Fate  of  Tundama's  nephew — 
Flight  of  the  people  to  the  rock  of  Tausa — Leap  of  Olalla — 
Massacre  at  Tausa — ^Treachery  of  the  Spaniards — Chib-  » 
chas  sink  into  slavery  and  despair — Spanish  cruelty — 
Many  exceptions — ^The  next  blood-sucker        .         .         .     145 

CHAPTER  XIII 

QUESADA  DEPRIVED   OF  HIS  JUST  RIGHT  BY  COURT  FAVOUR 

Arrival  of  Quesada  in  Spain  with  the  royal  fifths — Quesada's 
return  home — At  Court — ^His  claim — Stories  against  him 
— ^Description  of  Quesada  at  that  time — Claim  before  the 
Council  of  the  Indies — His  rival  A.  Luis  de  Lugo — ^Lugo's 
Court  interest — Some  members  of  Council  for  Quesada — 
Lugo  appointed — Sails — Persecution  of  Quesada — False 
stories  against  Quesada — ^Travels  in  France  and  Italy,  and 
literary  pursuits — Lugo's  plimder  at  the  pearl  fishery — 
Francesquillo  attacks  Lugo  on  the  river — ^Arrival  of  Lugo 
at  Bogota — ^The  first  cattle — ^Lugo  had  come  for  plunder — 
Captain  Suarez  Rondon  imprisoned — Heman  Perez  and 
Francisco  Quesada  imprisoned — ^Their  deaths  by  Hghtning 
— Departure  of  Lugo  with  his  plunder — ^Made  to  refund 

b 


/ 


xvi  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

at  the  pearl  fishery — His  crimes  unpunished — ^Denuncia- 
tion by  Las  Casas — Receives  a  command  in  Italy — His 
death — Claims  of  his  descendants.         .         .         .         .158 


CHAPTER  XrV 

THE   NEW  LAWS 

Expedition  to  find  the  gold  mines  led  by  Heman  Vanegas — 
Battle  with  the  Ranches — ^The  Magdalena  crossed — Gold 
mines  found — Victory  of  the  Ranches — Wise  policy  of 
Vanegas — ^AlUance  of  Vanegas  and  the  Suitamas — Final 
submission  of  the  Ranches — Armendariz  as  Juez  de  Resi- 
dencia — Redro  de  Ursua  in  charge  at  Bogota — ^Arrival  of 
Armendariz — The  New  Laws  promulgated  too  late — 
Resume  of  the  New  Laws — Rubhcation  of  the  New  Laws  at 
Bogota — Expedition  of  Ursua — Rampluna  founded — 
Musus  and  Colimas — Procurators  sent  to  Spaia  to  petition 
for  alteration  of  the  New  Laws — Result — Audiencia  of 
Bogota  appointed 171' 

CHARTER  XV 

RETURN  AND  DEATH  OF  QUESADA,  WHICH  COMPLETES  THE  STORY 

Tardy  justice  done  to  Quesada — Quesada  made  Marshal  and 
Adelantado — Quesada  accompanies  the  judges  to  Bogot4 
— Licentiate  Mercado's  death  at  Mompox — the  other 
two  judges  take  charge  at  Bogota — Expedition  against 
the  Musus — Ibague  and  Marquita  founded — Quesada 
leads  an  expedition  in  search  of  El  Dorado — ^Death  ^ 
of  Medrano — Sufferings  of  Quesada's  party — Reach  the 
Guaviare — Return — ^Armendariz  arrested  and  sent  to 
Spain — The  two  judges  arrested — Lost  in  a  Shipwreck — 
Montaiio  and  Briceno  in  charge  at  Bogota — Quesada  and 
his  Los  tree  ratos  de  Suesca — Quesada  suppresses  an 
insurrection  in  the  Magdalena  Valley — Retirement  and 
death  of  Quesada — His  heirs — Burial  at  Bogota — Character 
of  Quesada — Government  of  New  Granada  by  Presidents 
of  the  Audiencia,  later  by  Viceroys — ^Depopulation — 
Loss  of  the  Chibcha  language — ^An  American  race  of 


CONTENTS  xvii 

PAGE 

Spanish  descent — ^Antioquia  and  Manuel  Restrepo — 
Mutis — Caldas  —  Zea  —  The  botanist  Triana  —  An  en- 
lightened and  progressive  people  in  Colombia.         .         .182 

APPENDICES 

I.  Translation    of    the    Dfquesne  Memoir    on   the 

Chibcha  Calendar 195 

n.  Report  op  GtONZalo  Xtmenes  de  Quesada  on  the 

Conquerors  and  Encomenderos    ....    203 

in.  Places    granted     in     Encomienda    and    list    op 

Encomenderos  .         .  .  .  ...     210 

IT.    Grants    op    Arms    to    the     Licentiate    Gonzalo 

JiMENEs  DE  Quesada  .....     217 

Index  op  Place  Names 219 

Index  op  Deities,  Sovereigns,  and  Chieps         .        .     225 
Index  op  Names  op  Spaniards  ....    227 

MAP 
Land  op  the  Chibchas     .         .         .         ,       At  end  of  text. 


THE  STOEY 

OF 

NEW    GRANADA 


CHAPTER  I 

THE   TELLERS   OF  THE   STORY 

The  story  of  the  Chibcha  civilisation  and  of  the 
conquest  of  New  Granada  ought  long  ago  to  have 
taken  its  place  by  the  side  of  the  stories  of  the 
conquest  of  Mexico  and  Peru ;  but  there  has  been 
no  Prescott  for  New  Granada.  Yet  Quesada  is 
quite  as  important  and  interesting  a  figure  in 
history  as  Cortes  or  Pizarro.  The  materials  from 
which  such  a  story  must  be  compiled  are  sufficient. 
We  have  at  least  half  a  dozen  reports  or 
narratives  from  the  actual  actors  in  the  scenes 
they  describe.  There  are  several  detailed  letters 
from  Vasco  Nuiiez  de  Balboa/  the  discoverer  of  the 

^  In  tlie  Navarrete  Collection. 


2  CONTEMPORARY  WRITERS 

Pacific  Ocean.  There  is  the  memoir  of  Pascual  de 
Andagoya,  narrating  the  later  proceedings  of  Nunez 
de  Balboa,  and  his  own  subsequent  experiences 
at  Popayan.^  There  is  a  long  letter  from  Pedro  de 
Heredia,  the  Governor  of  Cartagena,  to  Charles  V.^ 

Pedro  de  Cieza  de  Leon  has  described  the  ex- 
peditions of  Vadillo  and  Eobledo  and  the  discovery 
of  the  Cauca  valley.  He  was  a  youth  of  eighteen 
or  nineteen  at  the  time,  but  a  keen  observer,  and 
everything  he  says  is  to  be  rehed  upon. 

Gonzalo  Jimenes  de  Quesada,  the  actual  dis- 
coverer of  New  Granada,  was  a  scholar  and  author. 
On  his  return  in  1539  he  sent  in  a  report,  entitled 
'  Epitome  de  la  conquista  del  Nuevo  Reino  de 
Granada,^  ^  which  is  chiefly  occupied  with  a  de- 
scription of  the  new  country  and  the  people.  He 
also  wrote  a  report  on  the  services  of  his  comrades, 
'  Memoria  de  los  descubridores  y  conquistadores 
que  entraron  conmigo  a  descubrir  y  conquistar 
este  reyno  de  Nueva  Granada.'  In  his  old  age 
he  wrote  a  much  more  important  work,  which  he 
called    '  Los   tres   ratos   de    Suesca.'  *      It   was 

*  In  the  Navarrete  Collection,  and  translated  for  the  Hakluyt 
Society. 

2  Munoz  Collection. 

3  Printed  by  Espada  in  his  pamphlet  on  CasteUanos,  1889. 

*  See  chap.  xv. 


CASTELLANOS  3 

unfortunately  lost ;  but  the  manuscript  was  in 
Bogota  when  the  chroniclers  wrote,  and  they 
were  able  to  use  it  in  the  compilation  of  their 
narratives. 

Two  of  Quesada's  captains,  San  Martin  and 
Lebrija,  wrote  interesting  reports,  which  were 
preserved  at  Simancas.  They  are  in  the  collection 
of  Munoz,  and  were  translated  into  French  and 
pubKshed  by  Ternaux  Compans. 

The  first  chronicler  was  Castellanos.  He  went 
out  to  the  Indies  as  a  cavalry  soldier,  and  was 
engaged  in  forays  against  the  natives.  His  con- 
science seemed  to  have  been  disturbed  by  their 
treatment,  and  he  went  to  Cartagena  and  entered 
Holy  Orders.  He  became  a  canon  of  the  cathedral 
there,  and  eventually  went  up  the  Magdalena  and 
was  cura  of  Tunja  for  many  years.  Castellanos  had 
conversed  with  several  of  the  first  settlers,  probably 
with  Quesada  himself.  He  first  composed  his 
chronicle  in  prose,  and  then — unfortunately,  as  I 
think — he  turned  it  into  rhyme,  with  the  title 
*  Elegias  de  ilustres  varones  de  Indias."  A  good 
deal  of  accuracy  and  precision  of  statement  is 
sacrificed  to  the  exigencies  of  metrical  treatment. 
Castellanos  was  also  very  credulous,  and  repeated 
some   wholly   incredible  gossip.      Jimenes  de   la 

B   2 


4  SIMON 

Espada  published  a  very  severe  criticism  on  his 
work  in  1889.  But  the  rhyming  chronicler,  from 
his  position  and  diligence  in  collecting  materials, 
is  quite  indispensable,  and  was  much  used  by 
subsequent  writers.  The  first  part  appeared  in 
1588.^ 

Friar  Pedro  Simon  is  a  more  important  authority. 
He  was  born  near  Cuenca,  in  Spain,  came  out  to 
Bogota  at  the  age  of  thirty,  and  joined  the  Order 
of  Franciscans.  He  arrived  in  1604,  became 
Provincial  in  1623,  and  began  to  write  his  *  Noticias 
Historiales."  He  had  travelled  a  good  deal  in 
New  Granada,  and  in  1607  had  accompanied  Juan 
de  Borgia,  President  of  the  Audiencia,  in  his 
campaign  against  the  Pijaos  Indians.  He  had 
the  advantage  of  being  able  to  use  the  manuscript 
history  of  the  conquest,  by  Friar  Pedro  Medrano, 
who  perished  during  Quesada's  expedition  into  the 
eastern  forests,  leaving  his  work  to  be  used  by 
others,  and  then  to  be  lost.  Simon's  first  volume 
is  on  the  discovery  of  Venezuela,  and  the  expedition 
of  the  pirate  Aguirre  down  the  Amazons,  which 
is   told  in   great   detail.^    The  two   other    parts 

^  The  fourth  part  is  lost,  but  the  MS.  was  seen  and  used  by  Simon 
and  others.  The  three  parts  were  published  in  one  volume  at 
Madrid,  in  1847. 

2  Translated  and  edited  for  the  Hakluyt  Society. 


PIEDEAHITA  5 

are  occupied  with  the  Chibcha  civihsation  and  the 
Spanish  conquest  of  New  Granada.  .  It  is  believed 
that  Father  Simon  died  in  Spain.  His  work  is 
very  valuable,  and  the  most  authentic  account 
that  has  come  down  to  us.^ 

The  work  of  Lucas  Fernandez  Piedrahita  is 
better  known,  and  is  based  on  the  chronicles  of 
Castellanos  and  Simon.  This  author  was  born  at 
Bogota  in  1618,  the  son  of  Don  Domingo  Fernandez 
Piedrahita  and  Catahna  CoUantes.^  In  his  youth 
he  was  good-natured,  vivacious,  and  full  of  humour. 
He  was  fond  of  poetry,  and  even  wrote  some 
comedies — now  lost.  He  entered  Holy  Orders, 
was  cura  of  Fusagasuga,  and  canon  of  the  cathedral 
of  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota.  A  judge,  who  had  some 
spite  against  the  canon,  trumped  up  false  accusa- 
tions ;  and  there  was  a  lawsuit  which  obhged 
Piedrahita  to  go  to  Spain.  It  lasted  for  years. 
It  was  during  this  long  period  of  waiting  that  he 
wrote  his  history.  He  had  the  use  of  Quesada's 
work,  the  fourth  part  of  Castellanos 's,  and  Simon's. 
Piedrahita's  work  is  well  arranged,  he  adheres 
well  to  his  authorities,  and  writes  in  an  agreeable 

^  The  second  part  was  printed  at  Cfuenca  in  1627. 

^  Piedrahita,  on  his  mother's  side,  was  descended  from  the 
Incas  of  Peru.  His  mother's  great-grandfather,  Juan  Munoz 
Collantes,  married  Francesca  Coya,  an  Inca  princess. 


6  PIEDBAHITA 

style.  The  lawsuit  at  last  ended  in  his  complete 
exoneration,  and  he  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Santa 
Mar^a.  He  proved  a  most  devoted  prelate, 
visiting  the  unciviUsed  Indians,  and  going  about  in 
rags  that  he  might  spend  all  his  income  in  charity 
and  in  the  work  of  rebuilding  the  cathedral.  In 
1676  he  was  translated  to  Panama ;  but  before  he 
could  start  for  his  new  see,  Santa  Martha  was 
surprised  by  buccaneers.  The  bishop  was  tortured 
to  give  up  his  supposed  treasure,  carried  off  because 
he  could  not  pay  any  ransom,  dreadfully  ill-treated, 
and  at  last  brought  before  the  buccaneer  Morgan 
at  Providence.  That  prince  of  buccaneers  released 
him,  and  even  presented  him  with  some  canonicals 
he  had  stolen.  Piedrahita  at  last  reached  Panama, 
and  was  installed  as  bishop.  He  there  preached 
in  the  streets  as  well  as  in  his  cathedral,  gave  his 
whole  income  in  charity,  and  devoted  much  of 
his  time  to  the  Derien  Indians.  This  devoted 
prelate  and  excellent  writer  died  at  Panama  in 
1688,  aged  seventy. 

The  Father  Friar  Antonio  de  Zamora  was  born 
at  Bogota,  but  was  some  twenty  years  younger 
than  Piedrahita.  He  was  the  historian  of  the 
Dominican  Order  in  New  Granada,  and  was  a  mere 
panegyrist  so  far  as  the  brethren  of  his  Order  were 


ZAMORA— FRESLE— OCARIZ  7 

concerned.  He,  however,  consulted  all  the  manu- 
scripts and  official  documents  within  his  reach,  as 
well  as  those  of  Simon  and  Piedrahita,  but  he  was 
credulous  and  without  any  gift  of  criticism.  His 
work  was  finished  in  1696,  and  printed  at  Barcelona 
in  1701. 

There  is  a  manuscript  written  by  a  native  of 
Bogota  named  Juan  Rodriguez  Fresle,  son  of  one 
of  the  conquistadores,  who  wrote  in  1636.  He 
brings  the  history  down  to  1618 ;  but  its  chief 
interest  is  local,  being  concerned  with  the  affairs 
of  the  city  of  Bogota. 

Juan  Flores  de  Ocariz  was  an  officer  of  the 
Bogota  municipahty,  who  wrote  a  work  on  the 
genealogies  of  the  settlers  in  New  Granada,  which 
was  pubhshed  at  Madrid  in  1634.  A  lady,  in  more 
modern  times,  Dona  Soledad  Acosta  de  Samper, 
also  wrote  biographies  of  the  more  illustrious  and 
notable  men  of  the  new  kingdom  of  Granada. 

Cassini,  the  Jesuit  historian,  gives  an  account 
of  the  missions  of  the  Company ;  but  the  Jesuits 
did  not  arrive  in  New  Granada  until  1598.  His 
work  was  printed  at  Madrid  in  1741. 

The  general  histories  of  Herrera  and  Oviedo 
must  be  consulted  by  the  student  of  the  history 
of  New  Granada;  but  Herrera  seldom   gives  his 


8  WRITERS  ON  THE  CHIBCHAS 

authorities.     Oviedo    passed    some    time    in    the 
Indies. 

The  writers  who  have  devoted  their  studies 
specially  to  the  Chibcha  people  call  for  attention, 
but  they  have  been  referred  to  in  the  chapters  on 
Chibcha  civiHsation.  These  are  Domingo  Duquesne, 
who  wrote  a  dissertation  on  the  Chibcha  calendar ; 
Bernardo  de  Lugo,  a  native  of  Bogota,  whose 
grammar  saved  the  Chibcha  language  from  obhvion ; 
Joaquin  Acosta,  who  has  given  an  excellent  general 
view  of  Chibcha  culture  in  chapter  xi.  of  his 
larger  work  ;  and  Ezequiel  Uricoechea.  The  last- 
named  scholar  pubhshed  a  valuable  memoir  on  the 
antiquities  of  New  Granada  and  the  Chibcha 
rehgion  and  government,  at  Berhn  in  1854,  and 
a  grammar  and  vocabulary  of  the  Chibcha  language, 
at  Paris  in  1871. 

The  admirable  work  of  Colonel  Joaquin  Acosta, 
entitled  '  A  historical  compendium  of  the  discovery 
and  colonization  of  New  Granada  in  the  sixteenth 
century,"  pubhshed  at  Paris  in  1848,  of  which 
the  chapter  xi.  above  referred  to  forms  a  part, 
deserves  very  special  notice.  The  author  had 
carefully  studied  every  available  authority,  whether 
printed  or  in  manuscript.  He  has  condensed 
them,  and  discriminated  between  them  with  critical 


ACOSTA  9 

skill  and  sound  judgment.  His  work  is  admirably 
arranged,  and  his  style  is  agreeable  and  scholarly. 
Colonel  Acosta  had  a  great  advantage  in  being 
well  acquainted  with  the  countries  in  which  the 
memorable  scenes  of  the  conquest  were  enacted. 
With  the  Quesadas  he  had  penetrated  into  the 
Amazonian  forests ;  with  Vadillo  he  had  explored 
the  valley  of  the  Cauca ;  he  had  Hved  among  the 
pure-blooded  Chibchas  ;  and  had  visited  the  tribes 
on  the  shores  of  the  GuK  of  Darien.  He  then  went 
to  Spain  to  examine  the  archives  of  the  Indies  and 
the  great  collection  of  Muiioz.  Thus  equipped, 
Colonel  Acosta  ^  produced  a  standard  work  which 
must  have  been  of  essential  service  during  the 
last  sixty-four  years  to  successive  generations  of 
the  youth  of  Colombia. 

Colonel  Acosta  suggested  to  Mr.  Prescott  that 
he  should  write  the  history  of  the  conquest  of  New 
Granada,  as  he  had  done  those  of  Mexico  and  Peru, 
offering  him  all  the  materials  he  had  collected. 
But  Mr.  Prescott  declined,  having  commenced  his 
history  of  Phihp  II. 

^  Joaquin  Acosta  was  bom  at  Guaduas  in  1800.  A  patriotic 
soldier  and  diplomatist,  as  well  as  a  geographer  and  historian. 
He  published  a  new  edition  of  the  Semanario  of  Caldas,  at  Paris 
in  1849,  and  his  own  historical  work  the  previous  year.  Colonel 
Acosta  died  in  1862^ 


10  RECENT  AUTHORS 

At  present,  a  younger  generation  is  giving 
its  attention  to  the  early  history  of  Colombia, 
especially  the  members  of  the  National  Academy 
of  History.  Ernesto  Kestrepo  Tirado  has  just 
pubhshed  an  excellent  monograph  on  the  Quimbaya 
tribe  in  the  Cauca  valley.  Another  monograph 
on  the  Panches  is  from  the  pen  of  Eugenio  Ortega, 
and  we  have  a  very  interesting  paper  on  the 
epitaph  of  the  great  Sugamuxi  from  the  pen  of 
the  same  writer.  Senor  Carlos  Cuervo  Marquez 
has  written  important  papers  on  the  origin  of 
the  Chibchas  and  other  tribes  in  Colombia,  on 
the  Caribs,  on  their  invasion  of  Colombia,  and  a 
very  interesting  series  of  essays  on  his  journeys 
over  various  parts  of  the  country. 


CHAPTEK  II 

THE  CHIBCHA  NATION 

There  was  a  rising  civilisation  in  the  north-west 
part  of  South  America,  now  the  Kepubhc  of 
Colombia,  which  has  received  less  notice  than 
it  deserves.  For  it  is  a  striking  example  of  the 
influence  of  geographical  environment  on  the 
development  of  mankindA^ )  This  will  be  seen  by 
a  consideration  of  the  main  features  of  the 
region,  some  600  by  400  miles,  which  is  now 
known  as  Colombia. 

The  great  mountain  chain  of  the  Andes  divides, 
in  about  2°N.  Lat.,  into  four  cordilleras,  cut 
deep  by  three  principal  rivers  flowing  north :  the 
Atrato,  nearest  to  the  Pacific  Ocean;  the  Cauca 
and  the  Magdalena,  which  unite  about  ninety  miles 
before  they  reach  the  Carribean  Sea.^  The  Cor- 
dillera  nearest   to   the   Pacific    Ocean   continues 

*  The  Magdalena  is  the  fourth  in  rank  of  the  great  South  American 
rivers.    Its  length  is  1240  miles,  of  which  807  are  navigable. 

11 


12  MOUNTAIN  RANGES  AND  RIVERS 

along  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  thus  connecting 
the  Andes  with  the  mountain  system  of  North 
America;  and  the  Atrato,  draining  its  eastern 
watershed,  falls  into  the  Gulf  of  Darien  or  Uraba. 
The  Atrato  is  separated  from  the  much  longer 
and  more  important  Cauca  valley  by  a  cordillera 
which,  in  its  northern  part,  was  known  to  the 
early  Spanish  explorers  as  the  Sierra  de  Abibe.  A 
lofty  cordillera,  called  the  Sierra  de  Pijaos,  divides 
the  Cauca  from  the  Magdalena  valley.  Lastly, 
the  Eastern  Cordillera,  covering  a  much  wider 
area,  has  the  Magdalena  on  one  side  and  the  vast 
tropical  forest  of  Venezuela,  chiefly  in  the  basin 
of  the  River  Meta,  on  the  other. 

This  magnificent  region  of  snowy  mountains, 
noble  rivers,  and  rich  tropical  vegetation  was  well 
peopled  by  numerous  tribes,  both  on  the  coast  ^ 
and  in  the  river  valleys.  The  central  river,  Cauca, 
was  inhabited  by  several  tribes,  often  at  war  with 
each  other,  who  had  made  some  advances  in  the 
arts  and  crafts.^  The  Armas  and  Quimbayas  ^  appear 

^  Three  hundred  miles  of  coast  facing  the  Carribean  Sea,  besides 
the  Pacific  coast. 

*  An  interesting  monograph  on  the  Quimbayas,  by  Ernesto 
Restrepo  Tirado,  was  published  at  Bogota  in  1912. 

'  Described  by  Cieza  de  Leon,  who  served  under  Vadillo  and 
Robledo  in  the  first  discovery  of  the  Cauca  vaUey.  See  my  trans- 
lation of  his  Cronica,  printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  m  1864. 


TKIBES  IN  THE  CAUCA  VALLEY  13 

to  have  been  the  principal  Cauca  tribes.     The 

former,  settled  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  over 

an  extent  of  thirty  or  forty  miles,  were  supposed 

to  have  numbered  20,000  souls,  living  in  villages 

consisting  of  large  round  dwelHngs  fortified  with 

stakes.     In   war   they   put    on   circlets   of   gold, 

breastplates,  and  beautiful    plumes    of    feathers. 

They  had  banners,  darts,  bows  and  arrows,  lances, 

clubs,  and  slings.     They  were  bold  and  vaUant. 

They  worshipped  idols  and  had  incensors  of  clay 

burning  before  them,  the  figures  being  very  rudely 

carved  in  wood  and  stone.    An  immense  number 

of  small  gold  figures  were  found  in  their  tombs. 

As  to  their  cannibahsm  there  is  some  truth  in  the 

statement;   but  the  accusation  is    made  by  the 

Spaniards  against  all  vahant  defenders  of  their 

homes : — 

No  porque  alii  comiesen  came  humana 
Mas  porque  defendian  bien  su  casa,i 

as  old  Castellanos  sings.  There  were  only  slight 
differences  between  the  Armas  and  the  other  tribes 
of  the  Cauca  and  Magdalena.  They  grew  maize 
and  cotton ;  and  Enciso  tells  us  that  on  the  coast 

^  Not  because  they  ate  human  flesh, 
But  because  they  bravely  defended  their  homes, — 

Elegias,  part  ii,  canto  3. 


14  GOLDEN  CEMETERY  OF  ZENU 

they  had  fruifcrtrees  bearing  dehcious  fruit,  and 
made  channels  for  imgation.  Their  advances 
towards  civihsation  did  not  go  further.  It  is 
true  that  a  vast  cemetery  was  found  at  Zenu,  near 
the  Sierra  de  Abibe,  with  an  immense  number  of 
sepulchral  mounds,  all  containing  gold  ornaments 
very  skilfully  worked  to  represent  every  kind  of 
animal  from  a  man  to  an  ant.^  It  has  been  con- 
jectured that  the  cemetery  at  Zenu  represented 
an  ancient  civihsation  which  had  disappeared  hke 
that  of  Chiriqui,  with  which  it  may  have  been 
alhed  ;  but  this  is  doubtful. 

These  tribes  of  the  Cauca  and  Magdalena 
valleys  had  not  advanced  beyond  a  certain  stage 
which  was  alone  adapted  for  their  surroundings. 
For  they  dwelt  in  deep  valleys  with  tropical  vege- 
tation, and  on  steep  mountain  sides  suitable  rather 
for  huntijog  than  for  cultivation.  Very  different 
was  the  progress  of  the  same  race  when  endowed 
with  a  more  favourable  environment. 


^  On  the  death  of  a  chief  or  important  person  they  embahned  the 
body  with  certain  herbs,  and  wrapped  it  in  cotton  of  various  colours. 
At  a  place  called  Catorapa,  Enciso  says  that  he  found  upwards  of 
twenty  of  these  mummies  kept  in  the  houses  with  the  living.  At 
Zenu  the  great  men  were  buried  in  the  sepulchral  mounds,  it  is  said, 
with  their  wives  and  favourite  servants,  with  jars  and  pottery, 
and  many  gold  ornaments. 


KEMAINS   AT   SAN    AGUSTIN  15 

On  the  lofty  plateau,  where  the  Magdalena 
rises,  there  are  ruins  and  carved  stones  which 
appear  to  be  the  remains  of  a  prehistoric  race  in 
the  valley  of  San  Agustin,  which  had  estabhshed 
a  civiHsation,  though  not  very  advanced,  over 
South  Colombia.  These  people  may  have  been 
connected  with  the  megaUthic  empire  of  Peru. 
The  San  Agustin  remains  have  recently  been 
carefully  investigated  by  Senor  Carlos  Cuervo 
Marquez  and  by  Dr.  K.  Theodor  Stoepel  of 
Heidelberg. 

In  the  Eastern  Cordillera,  between  4°^  and  7° 
N.  Lat.,  there  is  an  elevated  region  in  a  temperate 
cHmate,  with  extensive  plains  and  fertile  valleys 
separated  by  uplands  with  alpine  lakes.  Here 
a  more  advanced  stage  of  civihsation  might  be 
expected,  attained  by  the  same  race ;  and  here  it 
was  found.  The  country  of  the  Chibchas  is  about 
150  miles  long  from  north  to  south  and  about 
40  miles  wide,  covering  600  square  miles,  with  a 
population,  before  the  Spanish  cataclysm,  of 
L200,000,  or  2000  to  the  square  league.'  It  is  240 
miles  from  the  sea  at  Santa  Martha.  To  the  north 
is  the  River  Sogamoso  ;  to  the  south  rise  the  lofty 
mountains  of  Suma  Paz  ;  to  the  west  is  the  great 
Magdalena  Eiver ;  and  to  the  east  the  cordillera  sinks 


16  THE  CHIBCHA  COUNTRY 

down  into  the  primeval  forests  of  the  Amazonian 
basin.  The  northern%alf  of  this  favoured  region  is 
drained  by  streams  flowing  northwards  as  tributaries 
of  the  Sogamoso,  which  falls  into  the  Magdalena. 
The  River  Euaga  drains  the  southern  half,  flowing 
from  the  Eastern  Cordillera  over  the  fertile  plain 
of  Bogota.  It  then  forces  its  way  through  a 
rocky  barrier,  and  descends  in  one  rush  into 
the  Magdalena  valley  by  the  magnificent  falls  of 
Tequendama,  one  of  the  highest  waterfalls  in  the 
world. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  favoured  region  were 
called  Chibchas.  The  Spaniards  thought  the 
name  was  '  Muysca,"  but  this  was  merely  the  word 
for  a  man  in  the  Chibcha  language.  These  Chibchas 
must  needs  have  led  very  sober  and  laborious  Uves. 
Without  any  domestic  animals  either  for  food  or 
for  draught,  they  depended  solely  on  their  skill 
and  hard  work  to  raise  crops  of  maize,  potatoes, 
some  other  edible  roots,  and  beans  for  their  sus- 
tenance, and  on  their  prowess  as  hunters.  They 
also  had  constantly  to  defend  their  homes  against 
two  fierce  tribes  on  their  western  frontier,  the 
Panches  and  Colimas.^    They  were  sturdy,  thickset 

^  There  is  believed  to  have  been  a  great  invasion  of  the  formid- 
able Caribs ;  and  these  Panches  and  Colimas  were  of  the  Carib  race. 


THE    CHIBCHAS  17 

men  with  less  oval  faces  than  the  Peruvians,  noses 
less  aquiUne,  it  would  seem  from  the  appearance  of 
their  descendants,  but  the  same  bright  intelhgent 
eyes.  Their  bearing  was  that_Qf„a-l)iave.  a.nd 
hard-working,  yet  imaginative,  people,  Quesada 
said  that  they  were  the  finest  people  he  had  seen 
in  the  Indies :  the  men  well  formed  and  strong 
the  women  handsome,  dressed  in  white  robes,  with 
a  mantle  round  the  shoulders,  and  a  garland  oh 
their  heads.  Colonel  Acosta  wrote  in  the  highest 
terms  of  the  valour,  constancy,  coolness,  and 
disciphne  of  the  descendants  of  the  Chibchas  as 
soldiers.  Their  Hves  of  hard  work,  passed  between 
agricultural  pursuits  and  defensive  warfare,  had 
probably  continued  for  ages.  Their  country  was 
healthy  and  productive,  but  its  height  above  the 
sea  debarred  its  inhabitants  from  the  use  of  many 
things  needful  for  progress.  Commerce  was  essen- 
tial for  any  great  advance  in  civihsation  ;  and  by 
slow  degrees  the  practice  of  exchange  of  products 
rose  to  a  well-estabhshed  system,  an  increase  in 
knowledge  and  in  needs  coming  with  it. 

Besides  their  cereal  and  root  crops,  the  Chibchas 
were  fortunate  in  possessing  important  salt-mines. 
The  manufacture  of  this  salt,  from  the  mines  of 
Zipaquira  and  Nemocon,  gave  rise  to  a  considerable 


\S 


18  PRODUCTS  AND  COMMERCE  OF  THE  CHIBCHAS 

trade.  The  products  of  the  Chibcha  plateaux 
were  exchanged  for  fruits,  coca,  skins,  birds,  canes, 
and  timber  from  the  eastern  forests ;  for  gold- 
dust  and  cotton  from  the  Magdalena  and  further 
west ;  and  for  silver  from  the  south.  The  chief 
market  was  at  Coyaima  on  the  banks  of  the  Mag- 
dalena River.  There  was  another,  frequented  by 
the  northern  tribes  coming  for  salt,  on  the  Sarabita 
River.  Another  market  was  at  Turmeque,  to 
which  the  Chibchas  brought  emeralds  from 
Somondoco. 

Commerce  led  in  course  of  time  to  manufactures. 
The  Chibchas  became  excellent  weavers  of  cotton 
cloths,  there  were  extensive  pottery  factories,  and 
the  people  of  Guatavita  were  renowned  workers 
in  gold.  The  men  of  rank  wore  cotton  tunics  to 
below  the  knee,  generally  white  but  sometimes  dyed 
black  or  red,  and  confined  round  the  waist  by 
a  broad  belt.  Their  caps  were  of  the  skins  of  wild 
animals,  with  plumes,  and  in  front  a  half-moon  of 
gold.  They  also  wore  bracelets  and  ear-rings. 
The  women  wore  a  square  mantle,  brought  round 
to  the  front  and  fastened  by  a  wide  belt,  and  a 
small  mantle  over  the  shoulders  secured  by  a 
great  pin  of  gold.  All  their  clothes  were  home- 
made.   Finally,  they   were  beginning   to   export 


EFFECTS  OF  ENVIRONMENT  19 

their  manufactures,  made  from  articles  that  had 
been  imported. 

The  houses  of  the  Chibchas  were  built  of  stones 
and  clay,  the  rooms  having  their  walls  adorned 
with  cane  covered  with  ornamental  reed  matting. 
The  roofs  were  thatched.  They  were  beginning 
to  erect  important  edifices  of  stone  for  temples  and 
palaces,  though  their  principal  place  of  worship 
at  Suamo  was  still  of  the  immemorial  materials. 
But  it  is  reported  by  a  recent  writer  ^  that  he  found 
the  site  of  a  stone  temple,  at  Kamiriqui  in  the 
province  of  Tunja,  built  east  and  west,  and  of 
great  extent.  There  were  twenty-seven  cyKndrical 
pillars,  very  well  worked,  lying  near  each  other. 

We  have  thus  seen  a  people  of  the  same  race 
as  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  region  now 
called  Colombia,  by  steady  hard  work  and  intelli- 
gence, advancing  far  beyond  any  of  their  com- 
patriots in  the  paths  of  civiUsation.     That  this 
progress  was  due  entirely  to  their  geographical' 
environment  there  cannot  be  a  doubt.    Bles&edt^^-^ 
with  a  temperate  and  healthy  chmate,  inhabiting      ^"^^ 
a  fertile  land  of  wide  plains  and  open  valleys, 
surrounded   by   grand   scenery,    they   had   every 

*  Velez  Barrientos  [BuUeiin  de  la  JSocUte  de  Geographie  de  Paris, 
Aug,  1847,  p.  97). 

o  2 


20^^  IMPEKIAL  QUALITIES 

*yv   ^qualification  and  every  incitement  for  advancing 
A '     step  by  step  towards  a  goal  which  they  were  never 

*  destined  to  reach,  as  the  Incas  did,  to  predomin- 

ance and  empire.  /When  the  cataclysm  destroyed 
them  they  had  just  reached  the  stage  which  the 
Incas  occupied  previous  to  the  Chanca  War.  But 
hard  work  alone,  industry  alone,  had  not  raised 
them  to  the  point  they  had  attained,  nor  would 
industry  alone  have  taken  them  further.  It  was 
their  care  for  their  ancient  traditions,  their  devoted 
loyalty  to  their  rulers,  their  patriotic  fervour 
in  defending  their  country  against  invaders,  their 
zeal  in  extending  the  dominion  of  their  kings 
which,  combined  with  habits  acquired  by  long 
ages  of  industry,  would  have  led  them  on  to 
empire. 

The  religion  and  traditions  and  the  civil 
government  of  such  a  people  are  worthy  of  record 
and  of  study,  because  they  reflect  the  genius  of 
a  nation  on  its  way  to  achievement :  not  because 
it  will  throw  any  light  on  their  origin,  for  it  will 
not.  The  Chibchas  had  alwaiys  been  where  they 
were  found,  though  their  civihsation  may  have 

i  been  partly  due  to  extraneous  help,  as  we  shall 

presently  see. 


a/-" 


Oa^ 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  CHIBCHA  RELIGION 

The  religion  of  an  agricultural  people  would 
naturally  centre  round  the  beneficent  influences 
which  presided  over  their  sowing  and  their  harvests. 
It  was  so  with  the  Chibchas.  The  sun  and,  in  a 
less  degree,  the  moon  were  the  objects  of  their 
reverential  adoration ;  while  the  more  thoughtful  \ 
among  them  recognised  the  existence  of  a  great  j, 
first  cause.  An_iina^native^  people,  preserved  | 
traditions  of  ancient  worthies  who  had  conferred 
benefits  u^on  them  in  times  past,  and  who  had  been 
converted,  in  the  course  of  ages,  into  mythical 
heroes  and  demigods.  Such  legends  became,  to 
some  extent,  interwoven  with  the  main  rehgious 
ideas  of  propitiation  of  the  supernatural  powers, 
who  could  grant  or  withhold  success  for  the 
harvests'. 

The  Chibchas  held  that,  in  the'  beginning  of  all 
things,  the  Hght  was  enclosed  in  a  great  receptacle, 

21 


22  KELIGIOUS  BELIEFS 

which  cannot  be  described,  called  Chiminigagua, 
or  the  Creator.  The  first  things  that  came  out 
from  this  creative  force  were  black  birds,  which, 
flying  over  the  world,  sent  forth  a  resplendent  air 
from  their  beaks  which  illuminated  the  whole  earth. 
The  origin  of  the  human  race  is  thus  explained. 
Soon  after  the  dawn  of  the  first  day  a  beautiful 
woman,  named  Bachue  (or  Fuzachogua),  came  out 
of  Lake  Iguaque,  four  leagues  north  of  Tunja. 
She  had  with  her  a  child  of  three  years  old.  When 
the  child  grew  up  he  married  Bachue,  whence 
came  the  human  race.  Then  both  disappeared 
into  the  lake  and  became  serpents.  The  Chibchas 
venerated  Bachue  and  the  child,  and  made 
statuettes  of  them  in  gold  and  in  wood. 

These  people  beheved  that  the  souls  of  the  dead 
went  to  the  centre  of  the  earth  :  first  passing  a 
great  river  in  boats  made  of  cobwebs — for  which 
reason  it  was  not  permitted  to  kill  spiders. 

Bochica  appears  to  have  been  a  great  ruler 
or  benefactor  of  the  Chibchas  at  some  remote 
time,  and  became  a  demigod  residing  in  the  sun, 
a  beneficent  being,  and  the  tutelary  deity  of  the 
chiefs  called  Usaques.  A  deity  called  Chibchacum 
was  the  guardian  deity  of  the  Chibchas,  though  ^ 
not    a    very    beneficent    one,    it    would    seem. 


BELIGIOUS  BELIEFS  23 

Nemcatacoa  watched  over  weavers,  woodmen, 
drunkards,  and  was  represented  as  a  bear  covered 
with  a  cloak.  Chaque  was  the  guardian  deity 
of  boundaries,  crops,  processions,  and  festivals ; 
Bachue  took  care  of  the  bean  crops ;  Cuchavira, 
the  rainbow,  was  invoked  for  childbirth  and 
fevers,  and  was  a  messenger  of  the  sun. 

Garachacha  ^  (sometimes  confounded  with 
Bochica)  was  some  ancient  worthy  who  preached 
at  several  places,  and  disappeared  at  Sogamoso, 
where  a  great  temple  was  raised  for  his  worship  ; 
and  before  his  departure  ^  he  arranged  the  method 
of  selecting  the  High  Priest  or  Iraca,  intended  to 
be  a  peacemaker  and  mediator. 

There  was  an  interesting  legend  to  account 
for  the  great  waterfall  of  Tequendama.  The 
guardian  deity  of  the  Chibchas  had  become  in- 
dignant at  the  excesses  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
plain  of  Bogota,  and  determined  to  punish  them. 
Suddenly  two  rivers,  which  had  hitherto  flowed  in 
another  direction,  were  turned  into  the  plain  and 

^  He  had  other  names — Nemterequeteba,  Chinzapagua,  and  Xue. 
He  is  said  to  have  preached  at  Bosa,  Muequeta,  Fontibon,  and 
Cota.     Crowds  came  to  hear  him. 

^  When  they  heard  the  legend,  the  monks  promptly  gave 
Garachacha  a  long  white  beard,  made  him  come  from  the  East, 
and  declared  that  he  was  either  St.  Bartholomew  or  St.  Thomas. 


24  TEQUENDAMA  LEGEND 

converted  it  into  a  lake.  The  people  took  refuge 
in  the  hills.  They  prayed  to  Bochica,  who  appeared 
one  afternoon  at  sunset,  on  a  rainbow,  and  offered 
to  remove  the  evil.  His  powerful  aid  was  gratefully 
accepted.  Bochica  struck  the  rocks  of  Tequendama 
with  his  golden  sceptre,  and  an  opening  was  made 
by  which  the  waters  precipitated  themselves. 
The  plain  once  more  appeared,  more  fertile  than 
before.  Bochica,  to  punish  Chibchacum  for  hav- 
ing afflicted  the  people,  obhged  him  to  support 
the  land,  which  was  previously  held  up  by  firm 
props  of  lignum-vitae.  Unfortunately,  this  retri- 
bution was  not  without  inconvenience,  for  from 
that  time  there  were  earthquakes.  The  natives 
explained  this  by  saying  that  they  were  caused 
by  Chibchacum  passing  his  burden  from  one 
shoulder  to  the  other.  Doubtless  the  minds  of 
this  imaginative  people  wrought  out  many 
other  legends  of  the  same  kind,  but  they  are 
lost  to  us. 

The  Chibchas  had  temples,  but  they  preferred 
to  make  their  offerings  to  great  rocks,  to  lakes 
or  waterfalls  in  the  midst  of  grand  scenery,  es- 
pecially when  the  offerings  had  reference  to  some 
romantic  legend  of  the  past.  The  lake  of  Guata- 
vita  was  annually  the  scene  of  one  of  these  solenm 


GUATAVITA  LEGEND  26 

offerings.  It  is  three  miles  from  Siecha,  on  the 
top  of  a  high  mountain — a  small  tarn  not  more 
than  a  stone's  throw  across.  There  are  some  low 
bushes  on  its  banks,  and  a  strange  being  used  to  ^ 
appear  on  its  waters  to  whom  offerings  of  gold  ^ 
and  emeralds  were  made,  the  priest  having 
watched  for  its  appearance.  The  story  was  that 
the  wife  of  the  chief  of  Guatavita  committed 
treason  with  a  courtier,  and  it  became  known  to 
the  chief.  The  man  was  put  to  death.  The  wife 
jumped  into  the  lake  with  her  child,  and  was 
drowned.  The  chief  repented  of  his  wrath,  and 
ordered  the  principal  magician  to  restore  the  wife 
and  child  to  him.  The  magician  plunged  into  the 
lake,  but  came  back  to  report  that  the  wife  and 
child  were  lodged  better  than  if  they  were  in  the 
chiefs  house,  and  would  not  return. 

The  story  had  a  strange  effect  on  the  people, 
which  was  not  a  passing  delusion  but  lasted,  and 
the  resort  to  the  lake  grew  in  importance.  The 
offerings  continued  to  increase,  and  came  from 
many  of  the  principal  chiefs.  It  was  beHeved  that 
a  lady  appeared  on  the  lake  naked  to  the  waist, 
her  lower  half  wrapped  in  a  red  cotton  mantle. 
Annually  the  chiefs  went  to  the  centre  of  the  lake 
in  boats  to  offer  the  gifts  with  certain  ceremonies. 


26  GUATAVITA  LAKE 

The  chief  of  Guatavita,  perfectly  naked,  was 
anointed  all  over,  and  then  covered  with  gold-dust, 
so  that  he  appeared  to  be  a  golden  man.  El  Dorado. 
He  then  dived,  while  offerings  of  gold  were  thrown 
into  the  lake.  The  banks  were  crowded  with 
devotees,  all  with  their  presents.  It  must  have 
been  a  strange  ceremony — indeed,  quite  unique. 
/This  love  of  the  mysterious  and  devotion  to  the 
heroes  or  heroines  of  strange  legends  was  a  phase 
in  the  character  of  this  interesting  people. 

It  is  said  that  when  the  Spaniards  came,  much 
gold  was  thrown  into  the  lake  of  Guatavita.  The 
chief  of  Simijaca  alone  threw  forty  quintals  of  fine 
gold  into  it.  Spaniards,  thirsting  for  gold,  tried 
to  drain  the  lake.  Lazaro  Fonte  tried.  Then 
Antonio  de  Sepulveda  of  Bogota  undertook  the 
work  in  1580.  The  soundings  gave  twenty-five 
fathoms.  About  6000  ducados  of  gold  were  found 
near  the  shore ;  but  funds  were  short  and  the 
attempt  was  abandoned.  An  account  of  a  more 
recent  attempt  to  drain  the  lake,  by  Jose  Ignacio 
Paris  in  1822,  was  given  by  Captain  Cochrane,  E.N., 
in  his  book  of  travels,  i  Humboldt  has  given  a 
view   of    Lake    Guatavita  ^    in    the    '  Vues    des 

^  Travels  in  Colombia,  ii.  193-208. 
2  Plate  60  of  foHo  ed. ;  i.  19,  8vo  ed. 


TEMPLES  AND  PKIESTS  27 

Cordilleres/  It  was  a  dreary  place  enougli ;  only 
a  little  mountain  tarn,  in  the  absence  of  the  golden 
chief,  the  gorgeous  ceremony,  and  the  attendant 
crowds.  1 

Fond  as  they  were  of  this  romantic  hero-wor- 
ship, in  which  they  could  indulge  at  Gruatavita  and 
many  such  places  where  folk-lore  was  stored, 
the  real  business  reHgion  of  the  Chibcha  people 
was  the  worship  and  propitiation  of  the  celestial 
body  which  could  give  or  withhold  a  plentiful 
harvest. 

The  temples  of  the  Chibchaswere  large  buildings, 
the  most  sacred  being  that  of  the  Iraca  at  Suamo 
(Sogamoso),  near  Tunja.  Kound  the  walls  stood 
large  vases  of  different  shapes  to  receive  offerings. 
Some  were  figures  of  clay  with  holes  in  the  upper 
part ;  others  were  simple  jars  buried  in  the  ground, 
except  the  mouth.  The  priests,  called  Jeques, 
had  dwelUngs  near  the  temples,  and  they  had 
schools  into  which  those  destined  for  the  priesthood 
entered  very  young,  for  a  long  and  careful  train- 
ing was  essential.     It  was  most  important  that 

^  Rumours  of  *  El  Dorado  '  spread  over  Europe.  The  Spaniards 
sought  for  him  in  the  basin  of  the  Amazons,  the  English  on  the 
Orinoco,  the  Grermans  in  the  Venezuelan  forests ;  while  all  the  time 
he  was  the  hero  of  a  local  ceremony  in  a  tarn  of  the  Chibcha 
mountains. 


28  THE  SACRIFICIAL  VICTIM 

the  neophytes  should  thoroughly  understand  the 
principle  of  the  Chibcha  calendar,  which  was  rather 
comphcated,  and  the  reUgious  system  which  was, 
in  great  part,  based  upon  it. 

The  only  deity  to  which  a  human  sacrifice  was 
'ever  ofiered  was  the  sun.  The  stones  which  re- 
\  ceived  the  first  rays  of  the  rising  sun  were  anointed 
)  with  the  young  victim's  blood.  All  connected 
\  with  this  solemn  sacrifice  had  a  symbohc  relation 
1  to  the  division  of  time,  the  calendar,  and  the 
;  ingenious  intercalations  dominating  the  course  of 
sowing  and  harvest. 

The  sacrificial  victim  was  taken  as  a  child, 
and  very  carefully  trained  and  educated  by  the 
priests.  He  was  called  the  Gueso,  or  '  homeless  one.' 
He  had  another  name,  Quyhyca,  meaning  a  *  door ' 
and  a  '  mouth.'  On  attaining  his  fifteenth  year,  the 
ceremony  was  performed  with  great  pomp.  There 
was  a  wide,  level  road  from  the  chief's  house  to 
the  sacrificial  post,  down  which  the  procession  went. 
The  people  came  in  batches,  dressed  in  skins  of 
pumas  and  jaguars  and  adorned  with  jewels. 
Behind,  was  a  throng  of  dancers  and  singers.  It 
was  all  symbohc.  The  victim  was  fastened  to  the 
carved  post  by  a  rope,  the  heart  was  cut  out,  and 
ofiered  to  the  solar  deity.     *  What  I  loved  best,  to 


WORSHIP  OF  THE  SUN  29 

thee  I  gave/  Less  precious  gifts  were  ofiered 
also :  parrots  and  macaws  from  the  distant 
forests,  deer  and  partridges  from  their  own 
hillsides. 

As  the  civiHsation  of  the  Chibchas  advanced 
there  would  probably  have  been  something  substi- 
tuted for  the  human  victims,  such  as  a  ram  caught 
in  a  thicket  or  two  pigeons.  This  was  the  case 
in  Peru,  llamas  taking  the  place  of  human  beings. 
At  the  time  when  their  existence  as  free  agents 
ended,  the  Chibcha  legislators  thought  that  the 
dramatic  character  of  the  sacrifice  was  calculated 
to  arouse  the  rehgious  feeling  of  the  people,  and 
impress  them  with  the  duty  of  worshipping  and 
sacrificing  to  the  sun ;  for  on  the  beneficent  care 
of  the  solar  deity  depended  their  means  of 
subsistence. 

Thus  the  Chibchas  beheved  in  a  creator,  or 
great  first  cause,  called  Chiminigagua — a  venerated 
name,  but  needing  no  special  propitiation  or  worship. 
Their  principal  deities  were  the  sun  and  moon, 
which  were  earnestly  prayed  to  and  propitiated, 
and  to  the  sun  alone  was  a  human  sacrifice  offered. 
Not  only  were  these  celestial  bodies  supposed  to 
control  and  have  power  over  all  the  different  phases 
of  the  crops  on  which  the  people's  subsistence 


30  BOCHICA 

depended,  but  they  were  also  intimately  connected 
with  all  calculations  needed  for  the  adjustment 
of  their  calendar.  The  marriage  of  the  sun  {Snu) 
and  the  moon  (Chie)  refer  to  the  compHcated 
system  of  bringing  the  lunar  in  unison  with  the 
solar  year.  Bochica,  with  close  solar  connection, 
if  not  actually  dweUing  in  the  sun,  seems  to  form 
a  hnk  between  the  celestial  and  the  anthropomorphic 
phases  of  the  Chibcha  rehgion.  His  intervention 
to  create  the  waterfall  of  Tequendama,  and  his 
guardianship  of  the  rulers  of  the  people,  partake 
of  the  latter  character,  and  bring  him,  as  it  were, 
into  fellowship  with  the  demigods,  heroes,  and 
heroines  created  by  the  Chibcha  mind  when 
imagination  was  given  full  play.  These  people 
seemed  to  need  something  nearer  and  dearer  than 
the  great  solar  deity  to  which  to  bring  ofierings, 
and  on  which  to  indulge  their  rehgious  tendencies, 
after  giving  due  worship  to  their  sun-god. 


CHAPTEE  IV 

THE  CHIBCHA  LANGUAGE  AND   CALENDAR 

In  considering  the  civilisation  of  the  Chibchas, 
we  must  always  have  it  in  our  minds  that  it  was 
a  civiHsation  advancing  on  its  own  lines  and  in  its 
own  way — still  crude  and  unformed  in  many  ways 
— but  with  an  onward  progress.  In  this  condition 
a  destructive  cataclysm  came,  hke  a  bolt  from  the 
blue,  and  there  was  an  end.  The  Chibchas  had 
long  been  an  agricultural  people,  probably  for 
many  ages.  One  reason  for  this  beUef  is  that, 
in  their  language,  there  were  so  many  words  for 
difierent  kinds  of  the  products  of  their  crops. 
For  various  sorts  and  colours  of  maize  there 
were  eight,  for  potatoes  ten  words.  This  means 
centuries  of  cultivation. 

Thus  the  language  made  progress  as  the  needs 
for  a  fuller  vocabulary  increased.  Some  notice  of 
it  is  desirable  in  a  study  of  the  Chibcha  civilisa- 
tion, because  it  is  so  closely  connected  with  the 
details  of  the  calendar ;   and  the  correct  principle 

31 


32  CHIBCHA  GRAMMARS 

on  which  that  calendar  is  founded  is  one  of  the 
proofs  that  the  culture  of  the  Chibchas  had  reached 
a  stage  beyond  that  of  barbarism. 

Chibcha  has  been  a  dead  languagaior  upwards 
of  two  centuries.^  The  only  printed  grammar 
and  vocabulary  actually  taken  from  the  mouths 
of  the  people  themselves  was  written,  under  orders 
from  his  superiors,  by  a  native  of  Bogota,  early 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  This  was  a  priest, 
who  was  an  excellent  Chibcha  scholar.  Dr.  Bernardo 
de  Lugo,  whose  work  was  pubKshed  at  Madrid  in 
1619.  It  is  now  very  rarely  to  be  met  with.^ 
Another  native  of  the  Chibcha  country,  an  eminent 
antiquary,  Don  Ezequiel  Uricoechea,  has  written 
a  more  complete  grammar  and  dictionary  of  the 
language,  based  on  the  work  of  Lugo  and  on  three 
manuscripts,  concerning  the  history  and  character 
of  which  he  does  not,  however,  supply  any  infor- 
mation.   His  work  is  the  best  and  most  detailed 

^  Only  eight  words  have  survived,  and  are  now  used  by  the 
natives  of  Bogota,  of  Spanish  descent.  These  are :  chajua,  rest ; 
chiguaca,  purslain ;  chiza,  the  larva  of  a  beetle ;  chucua,  a  fishery  ; 
cvba,  a  younger  brother;  afutynsuca,  rot  in  potatoes;  guapticha,  a 
small  fish ;  iomgo,  the  share  of  the  potato  harvest  given  to  those 
who  have  helped ;  and  chunso,  small  idol  of  gold  or  other  metal. 

'  Gramatica  de  la  lengua  Chibcha  por  Bernardo  de  Lugo 
(Madrid,  1619).  Colonel  Acosta  mentions  a  dictionary  and  grammar 
of  the  Chibcha  language  in  MS.  with  no  author's  name.  Grammar, 
96  pp.  in  12mo ;  dictionary,  200  pp. 


CHIBCHA  LANGUAGE  33 

that  exists  on  the  subject.  It  was  published  at 
Paris  in  1871. i 

The  language,  with  a  fairly  full  vocabulary, 
is  somewhat  lacking  in  grammatical  construction. 
The  nouns,  substantive  and  adjective,  have  no 
cases,  except,  in  some  words,  a  possessive  genitive  ; 
no  genders  and  no  plurals.  Cases  are  provided  for 
by  prepositions  following  the  word.  The  plural 
is  indicated  sometimes  by  the  actual  number 
being  given,  at  others  by  the  verb.  The  pronouns 
denote  the  persons  of  the  verb  substantive,  gue, 
which  only  has  one  mood  and  two  forms  for  tenses, 
gue  for  present  and  preterite,  nga  for  future.  There 
is  also  a  negative  verb  substantive.  The  verbs 
have  two  endings  for  the  first  person  indicative, 
scua  and  suca,  the  participle  forming  in  nca. 

As  is  the  case  with  several  other  South  American 
languages,  there  are  a  good  many  words  to  de- 
note different  degrees  of  relationship.  There  are 
twenty-nine  in  the  Chibcha  language. 

The  system  of  numeration  is  complete.  The 
first  ten  numbers  are  coimted  on  the  fingers; 
for  the  next  ten  the  numbers  were  repeated  with 

*  Gramatica,  vocabulario,  catecismo  y  confesionario  de  la  lengua 
Chibcha,  segun  antiquos  manuscritos  anominos  e  ineditos,  aumentados 
i  corregidos  par  E.  Uricoechea,  p.  252  (Paris,  1871). 


34  CHIBCHA  CALENDAR 

the  word  quihicha  added,  which  means  a  toe. 
There  is  a  special  word  for  twenty,  gueta,  and 
the  former  twenty  words  for  numerals  are  re- 
peated with  the  addition  of  the  word  asaquy 
(and  more)  up  to  forty,  and  so  on,  to  a  hundred 
in  twenties,  a  hundred  being  gue  hisca  (five 
twenties). 

There  is  a  close  connection  between  the  unit 
numerals  and  the  calendar,  which  is  thus  explained. 

The  day  was  sua,  the  night  m.  The  two 
together  had  four  divisions  :  from  sunrise  to  noon 
called  sica  mena,  noon  to  sunset  sua  meca,  sunset 
to  midnight  zasca,  and  midnight  to  sunrise  cagui. 

Three  days  made  a  week  and  ten  weeks  made 
a  month.  The  days  of  the  months  were  denoted 
by  the  ten  numerals  repeated  three  times.  So 
that  ata  (one)  is  the  first,  eleventh,  and  twenty- 
first  of  each  month. 

The  ordinary  year  consisted  of  twenty  ^months 
and  was  called  Zocam,  There  was  also  an 
astronomical  year  of  the  priests  and  other  initiated 
persons  which  consisted  of  thirty-seven  months, 
or  three  of  our  years  and  one  intercalated  month, 
to  reconcile  the  difierence  between  the  lunar  and 
solar  years.  The  cycle  consisted  of  twenty  of  these 
astronomical  years,  or  sixty  of  our  years. 


CHIBCHA  CALENDAR  35 

The  names  of  all  the  first  ten  numerals  ha^ 
hieroglyphic  figures  attached  to  them  which  had 
reference  to  the  phases  of  the  moon,  to  the  seasons 
connected  with  the  sowing,  growth,  and  harvesting 
of  their  crops,  and  to  their  superstitions,  and 
thus  they  lead  us  directly  to  the  formation  of  the 
calendar. 

One  was  Ata,  represented  by  a  toad  in  the  act 
of  leaping,  which  was  the  symbol  for  water.  The 
time  of  sowing. 

Two  was  Bosa,  the  sign  of  which  was  a  nose 
with  open  nostrils.  It  represented  a  sowing  round 
the  central  sowing  to  preserve  the  latter  from  harm. 

Three  was  Mica,  for  which  the  sign  was  two 
eyes  open.     Time  for  selecting  seed. 

Four  was  Muyhica,  two  eyes  shut.  The 
dark  and  rainy  season. 

Five  was  Hizca.  The  hieroglyphic  was  two 
figures  united,  denoting  the  wedding  of  sun  and 
moon,  rest  and  a  green  earth. 

Six  was  Ta,  the  sign  being  a  post  with  a  rope 
attached,  the  Guesa  sacrifice.    Harvest. 

Seven  was  Cuhwpcua,  of  which  the  sign  was  two 
ears.     Time  for  storing  in  granaries. 

Eight  was  Suhuza,  the  sign  being  a  tail  or  the 
end,  after  the  harvesting. 

D  2 


36  CHIBCHA  CALENDAR 

Nine  was  Aca,  two  toads  one  on  the  other, 
the  time  of  generation. 

Ten  was  Ubchihica,  the  sign  being  an  ear.  Time 
of  full  moon. 

Twenty,  Gueta,  had  for  its  sign  a  toad  displayed 
or  spread  out,  symbol  of  fehcity.    Home  and  farm. 

Evidently  the  Chibchas  were  on  the_eye  of 
inventing  a  system  of  hieroglyphic  writing. 

The  ordinary  year  consisted  of  twenty  moons 
or  months.  When  it  was  terminated  they  counted 
another  twenty  months,  and  so  on  until  they  had 
completed  twenty  of  these  twenties.  The  inter- 
calation of  a  month  became  necessary  after  the 
thirty-sixth  month,  to  make  the  lunar  correspond 
with  the  solar  year.  The  ordinary  year  of  twenty 
months  was  used  by  the  people  without  the  inter- 
calation being  noticed,  while  the  initiated  had 
their  astronomical  year  of  thirty-seven  months 
in  which  months  were  intercalated  at  the  right 
time,  in  succession,  through  the  cycle.  Carved 
stones  have  been  found,  with  the  object  of  illus- 
trating the  intercalation  of  the  different  months 
indicated  by  their  symbols.  These  stones  were 
usually  circular,  but  some  were  pentagons,  to 
signify  that  they  refer  to  five  intercalary  years, 
the  twelfth  part  of  the  cycle.     The  Chibcha  cycle 


CHIBCHA  CALENDAK  37 

of  twenty  years  of  thirty-seven  moons  each,  equal 
to  sixty  of  our  years,  was  divided  into  four  periods 
of  ten  Chibcha  years,  equal  to  fifteen  of  our  years. 
A  grand  sacrifice  of  the  Guesa  took  place  at  the 
end  of  each  of  the  fifteen  years.  When  the  cycle 
is  completed,  Ata,  the  first  numeral  and  month 
when  the  cycle  began,  returns  to  that  place  again, 
all  the  other  months  having  held  it  in  turn,  during 
the  interval. 

It  was  a  priest  named  Dr.  Don  Jose  Domingo 
Duquesne  de  la  Madrid,  the  Cura  of  the  Chibcha 
village  of  Gachancipa,  who  made  a  special  study 
of  the  Chibcha  calendar,  discovering  and  de- 
cyphering  some  astronomical  stones,  and  he  fully 
discussed  the  system  by  which  their  intercalation 
made  the  lunar  year  periodically  conform  to  the 
solar  year.  Dr.  Duquesne^s  manuscript  was  shown, 
by  Dr.  Jose  Celestino  de  Mutis,  the  eminent 
botanist,  to  Baron  Humboldt  at  Bogota,  who 
pubKshed  some  accoim.t  of  it.i  But  the  whole  text 
was  first  published  by  Colonel  Acosta.^ 

^  Vuea  des  Cordilleres,  ei  monuments  des  peuples  indigenes  de 
rAm>erique,  par  Alexandre  de  Humboldt  (Paris,  1810). 

^  *  Disertacion  sobre  el  calendario  de  los  Muyscas  dedicada  a 
Senor  Dr.  Don  Jose  Celestino  de  Mutis  por  el  Dr.  Don  Jose  Domingo 
Duquesne  de  la  Madrid,  Cura  de  la  Iglesia  de  Gachancipa.'  It 
forms  an  appendix  to  Colonel  Acosta's  work — Compendio  Historico 
de  la  Nueva  Granada  (Paris,  1848). 


38  CHIBCHA  CALENDAR 

The  system  of  intercalation  worked  out  auto- 
matically and  the  initiated  were  enabled  to  regulate 
the  times  and  seasons  with  ease  and  accuracy. 
They  taught  their  sons  with  care  and  tenacity, 
marking  the  seasons  by  festivals,  and  by  the 
periodical  sacrifices,  in  order  firmly  to  impress 
the  memory. 

But  observations  for  times  of  solstice  and 
equinox  are  essential  to  initiate  such  a  system, 
and  to  adjust  and  confirm  the  calculations.  None 
are  mentioned.  The  Peruvians  made  such  obser- 
vations regularly  to  correct  the  lunar  year,  and 
inserted  the  required  intercalations.  With  the 
Chibchas  there  were  none.  Yet  at  some  time  or 
other,  when  their  system  was  worked  out,  observa- 
tions must  have  been  taken.  This  seems  to 
suggest  that  there  is  a  foundation  of  truth  in  their 
traditions  that  in  the  distant  past,  strangers 
arrived  to  instruct  them — Bochica  and  Garachacha. 
If  so,  I  should  be  inchned  to  think  that  their 
most  probable  origin  was  the  ancient  megahthic 
empire  of  Peru,  which  flourished  previous  to  that 
of  the  Incas.  The  traces  of  these  instructors  are 
to  be  found  in  the  two  Quichua  words,  to'pu,  a 
pin  of  gold,  and  the  word  for  a  rainbow,  which 
has  a  resemblance  in  the  two  languages.     They 


CHIBCHA  CALENDAK  39 

got  imbedded  in  the  Chibcha.^  In  the  Andean 
region  the  advance  was  ever  from  the  south  north- 
wards, of  which  there  are  many  indications.  The 
subject  has  been  discussed  elsewhere.^ 

It  will,  I  think,  be  seen  that  there  is  reason  to 
conclude,  from  all  that  is  known  of  the  Chibcha 
language,  rehgion,  and  calendar,  that  their  civihsa- 
tion  will  bear  comparison  with  that  of  the  Aztecs, 
and  of  the  earher  period  of  the  Incas  before  their 
great  conquests  were  commenced.  There  is  no 
evidence  of  any  foreign  communication,  beyond  the 
possible  arrival  of  the  two  instructors,  venerated  as 
demigods  in  after  ages.  Allowing  for  the  possi- 
biUty  of  that  ancient  help  the  Chibchas  were 
working  out  their  civilisation  without  further 
assistance  from  without. 

^  Cuchavira  was  the  name  of  the  Chibcha  rainbow  god,  but 
the  ordinary  word  is  Chuquy.  In  the  Inca  language  it  is  Cuychiy 
The  Inca  word  for  a  gold  breast-pin  is  tcypu,  and  it  is  the  same  in 
dhihcha. 

2  See  The  Incas  of  Peru,  chap.  ii. 


CHAPTER  V 

CHIBCHA  GOVERNMENT  :   THE  ZIPA  AND  THE   ZAQUE 

The  Chibcha  people  were  governed  by  two 
sovereigns:  the  Zipa  in  the  southern  half  of  the 
country,  including  the  plain  of  Bogota ;  and  the 
Zaque  in  the  noAhern  half.  There  was  also  a 
rehgious  chief  called  Iraca  at  the  great  temple  of 
Suamo,  about  twenty  miles  from  Tunja,  the 
capital  of  the  Zaque.  This  office,  and  the  suc- 
cession to  it,  was  instituted  by  the  mythical 
civiliser  Garachacha.  The  Iraca  was  to  be 
elected  alternately  from  among  the  inhabitants 
of  two  districts  ^  by  four  chiefs.^ 

The  Zipa  and  Zaque  were  despotic,  ordaining 
laws,  administering  justice,  presiding  over  festivals, 
and  leading  their  armies.  The  veneration  of  their 
subjects  was  profound.  They  were  surrounded 
by  IJsaques,  or  chiefs  of  provinces.  When, 
previously,  independent   chiefs   were    reduced  to 

^  Tobaza  and  Firahitoba. 

2  The  chiefs  of  Gameza,  Busbanzay  Pesca,  and  Toca. 
40 


LAW  OF  SUCCESSION  41 

submission  they  were  not  deprived,  but  continued 
to  bold  their  territories  as  fiefs  of  the  sovereign. 

The  Zipa  had  many  concubines,  called  Thiguyes, 
but  only  one  recognised  wife.  The  law  of  succes- 
sion was  one  which  also  existed  in  other  far-distant 
parts  of  the  world.  It  was  not  the  son  of  the 
sovereign  who  succeeded,  but  the  eldest  son  of  his 
sister.  This  heir  was  obhged  to  enter  a  house  of 
seclusion  at  Chia,  a  hill  rising  out  of  the  plain  of 
Bogota,  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  Here  he  had  to 
receive  instruction  and  to  imdergo  a  series  of 
fasts.  This  peculiar  law  ensured  the  absolute 
certainty  of  descent  from  ancestral  Zipas,  though 
not  in  the  male  Hne.  The  heir  became  Usaque,  or 
chief  of  Chia. 

There  was  the  same  rule  of  succession  in  the 
family  of  the  chief  of  Quito,  and  among  the  tribes 
in  the  Cauca  Valley,  as  we  are  told  by  Cieza  de 
Leon  ;  nor  was  the  rule  pecuhar  to  the  New  World. 
The  Zamorin  of  Cahcut,  the  Eajahs  of  Cochin  and 
Travancore,  all  the  Nairs  of  Malabar  and  the 
people  of  Canara  have  the  same  law  of  succession  ; 
also  the  chief  of  Tipperah,  the  Khasias  of  Sylhet, 
and  the  Bintennes  of  Ceylon.  In  North  America 
the  Natchez  and  Huron  had  this  kind  of  succession, 
as  well  as  the  aborigines  of  Hayti ;    also  some 


42  PALACES  OF  THE  ZIPA 

Malays  in  Sumatra,  the  Malagazis,  Fijis,  and 
certain  negro  tribes  of  the  Niger. 

The  capital  of  the  Zipa  was  at  a  place  called 
Muegueta,  surrounded  by  lakes  and  branches  of 
the  river.  Here  were  the  various  buildings  and 
storehouses  which  together  formed  the  sovereign's 
palace.  The  walls  were  of  wpod  and  adobe,  and 
the  roofs  were  thatched.  The  interior  was  more 
suitable  for  a  regal  court.  The  walls  were  hned 
with  canes  secured  by  cords  worked  into  patterns 
in  various  colours,  while  cotton  cloths  covered  the 
wooden  thrones  and  chairs,  and  the  ground  was 
carpeted  with  matting.  But  no  detailed  description 
of  the  Zipa's  palaces  has  come  down  to  us. 

The  Zipa  also  had  several  pleasure  houses 
in  the  country.  There  was  one  at  Tabio,  with 
gardens  and  baths  of  thermal  waters  ;  another  at 
Tinansuca  on  the  descending  slope  of  the  cordillera  ; 
another  at  Theusaquillo  on  the  site  of  the  present 
city  of  Bogota.  The  Zipa  was  carried  in  a  Htter, 
a  privilege  which  he  alone  enjoyed.  On  his  death 
the  Zipa's  body  was  embalmed  and  placed  in 
the  trunk  of  a  hollowed  tree,  Uned  with  gold. 
The  secret  of  the  place  of  sepulture  was  well  kept, 
and  never  disclosed  to  the  Spaniards.  The  bodies 
of  Usaques  were  buried  in  vaults,  with  jewels. 


THE  ZAQUE  OF  TUNJA  43 

gold  ornaments,  their  arms,  and  food.  From  one 
cemetery  gold  worth  1000  golden  ducats  was 
taken. 

The  Zaque  of  Tunja  Uved  in  similar  state,  and 
had  the  same  despotic  powers.  It  is  uncertain 
how  far  back  the  dynasties  of  the  Zipa  and  Zaque 
traced  their  descents.  A  record  of  their  transactions 
has  only  been  preserved  by  the  Spaniards  for 
about  three  generations.  But  their  origin  must 
go  far  back  into  remote  ages,  for  some  of  them 
have  mythical  legends  attached  to  their  names. 
Thus  one  of  the  ancient  Zaques,  named  Tomagata, 
is  said  to  have  had  only  one  eye,  which  was  made  up 
for  by  his  having  four  ears,  and  a  tail  Uke  that  of 
a  jaguar.  He  Hved  for  more  than  a  hundred  years, 
and  was  given  power  by  the  sun  to  change  himself 
into  a  jaguar,  a  serpent,  or  a  Kzard.  On  his  death 
his  subjects  passed  him  up  to  the  starry  heavens 
as  a  terrifying  comet.  He  was  childless,  and  was 
succeeded  as  Zaque  by  his  brother  Tutasua.  The 
sovereigns  of  Tunja  were  gradually  losing  territory 
to  the  Zipa. 

The  first  Zipa,  whose  name  and  deeds  have 
been  preserved,  was  reigning  in  about  1450.  His 
name  was  Saguanmachica.  The  submission  of 
surrounding  chiefs  was  enforced,  and  six  important 


U  WAES  OF  THE  ZIPA 

Usaques  ^  had  been  subdued  shortly  before  this 
Zipa's  reign  began.  Saguanmachica  appears  to 
have  been  a  brave  warrior  bent  on  defending  his 
western  frontier  from  the  Panches,  and  on  extending 
his  dominions  in  other  directions.  These  Patches 
were  very  formidable  enemies,  recklessly  brave 
and  constantly  on  the  war-path.  The  Zipa 
always  kept  a  strong  force  on  the  western  frontier 
to  repel  the  inroads  of  this  formidable  enemy. 

The  arms  of  the  Chibchas  were  shngs,  darts, 
bows  and  arrows,  and  for  close  quarters^ances  and 
clubs.  The  first  project  of  Saguanmachica,  after 
his  accession,  was  to  reduce  the  Sutagaos  and  their 
chief,  Usathama,  to  submission.  They  possessed 
fertile  lands  at  the  foot  of  the  western  mountains, 
known  as  the  valley  of  Fusagasuga.  A  chief  named 
Tibacui  came  to  the  assistance  of  his  friend  Usa- 
thama. The  Zipa  was  victorious,  and  Tibacui,  who 
was  wounded,  advised  the  Sutagaos  to  submit  and 
become  subjects  of  their  powerful  antagonist. 

Saguanmachica  then  turned  his  attention  to 
his  northern  and  eastern  frontiers,  which  alarmed 
Michua,  the  Zaque  of  Tunja,  who  assembled  his 
army   and   advanced  to   oppose  the   aggression. 

^  The  chiefs  of  Ebaque,  Ouasca,  Qnataviia,  Zipaquirdj  Fusagasuca, 
and  Ebate. 


WAKS  OF  THE  ZIPA  45 

The  two  armies  met  at  a  place  called  Choconta, 
and  the  battle  was  fiercely  contested.  Both  the 
sovereigns  were  slain,  fighting  vaHantly,  and  the 
contending  hosts  retired  to  celebrate  the  obsequies. 
Saguanmachica  had  reigned  for  twenty  years. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew  Nemequene. 
The  first  act  of  the  new  Zipa  was  to  send  his  heir, 
Thisquezuza,  to  chastise  a  rebelHon  of  the  Sutagaos. 
With  this  object  the  young  general  made  a  broad 
road  over  the  mountains  of  Subyo,  the  vestiges 
of  which  were  to  be  seen  for  many  years  afterwards. 
The  Zipa  himself  attacked  Guatavita,  and  reduced 
that  important  province  to  final  submission.  With 
Guatavita  many  chiefs  of  districts  who  were  under 
its  influence  also  became  subjects  of  the  Zipa. 
The  next  enterprise  of  Nemequene  was  the  reduction 
of  Ubaque  and  the  whole  of  the  valley  to  the  east- 
ward of  Bogota,!  a  campaign  which  occupied  him 
for  several  months. 

Nemequene  then  assembled  his  whole  force  and 
resolved  to  march  against  the  Zaque  at  Tunja,  to 
avenge  a  quarrel  of  long  standing.  The  Zaque, 
strengthened  by  the  adherence  of  the  priestly 
chief  of  Suamos  and  his  followers,  encamped  near 
Choconta.    It  is  said  that  the  Zaque  proposed  to 

*  Caquesa. 


46  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  IRACA 

settle  the  dispute  by  single  combat,  but  that  the 
Usaques,  who  were  with  the  Zipa,  would  not  consent, 
considering  that  it  would  be  beneath  the  dignity 
of  their  sovereign. 

The  two  armies  then  encountered  each  other, 
and  there  was  a  well-contested  battle,  which  con- 
tinued all  day.  The  Zipa  was  badly  wounded 
and  carried  off  the  field  by  his  attendants,  and  the 
Zaque  gained  a  victory.  But  the  Chibchas  very 
seldom  followed  up  their  successes.  The  Zipa 
was  carried  back  in  his  litter,  to  his  capital  at 
Muequeta,  with  extraordinary  rapidity  by  relays 
of  new  men,  but  died  of  his  wounds  after  five  days. 
He  was  succeeded,  as  Zipa,  by  his  nephew 
Thisquezuza. 

The  influence  of  the  Iraca,  named  Nompaneme, 
secured  a  peace,  or  at  least  a  truce  of  twenty  months 
which  might  lead  to  peace,  between  the  Zipa  and 
the  Zaque.  This  was  an  example  of  the  influence 
that  could  be  used  for  good  by  the  official 
peacemaker  and  mediator  of  the  Chibcha  nation. 
Quemunchatocha  was  the  last  Zaque  but  one,  and 
the  last  Zipa  but  one  was  Thisquezuza. 

At  this  time  the  territory  of  the  Zaque  extended 
to  the  Cordillera  overhanging  the  tropical  forests 
to  the  east,  to  Suchica  and  Tinjaca  on  the  west,  to 


CHAKACTEK  OF  THE  CHIBCHAS  47 

Turmequeontlie  south,  and  on  the  north  to  the  terri- 
tory of  the  vahant  chief  Tutasua,the  last  hero  of  the 
Chibcha  nation.    He  was  practically  independent. 

The  above  meagre  records  are  all  that  have  come 
down  to  us  of  the  actual  historical  events  in  the 
Chibcha  kingdoms.  Still,  there  is  a  good  basis 
on  which  to  form  a  conception  of  the  people, 
their  conditions,  their  aspirations,  and  their  daily 
Ufe.  We  see  them  in  a  fertile  land  with  a  healthy 
climate,  securing  the  means  of  subsistence  by 
hard  and  intelhgent  labour.  We  see  them,  when 
their  wants  increased  as  they  advanced  in  civi- 
Hsation,  estabhshing  markets  in  the  territories  of 
their  neighbours  and  receiving  the  fruits  of  other 
lands  in  exchange  for  their  own  products.  We  see 
how  their  rehgion  combined  a  worship  of  the  deity, 
upon  whose  goodwill  their  harvests  depended, 
with  many  imaginative  legends.  We  see  with 
what  skill  and  inteUigence  their  calendar  recon- 
ciled the  lunar  with  the  solar  year.  We  see  their 
loyalty  and  veneration  for  their  sovereigns,  and, 
in  these  few  records  of  events,  we  see  them  as  vahant 
in  arms  as  they  were  steadfast  and  progressive 
in  the  arts  of  peace. 

We  leave  them,  in  the  last  days  of  their  exis- 
tence as  a  nation,  listening  to  the  advice  of  an 


48  DEARTH  OF  TESTIMONY 

arbitrator  and  establishing  peace  within  their 
borders.  Even  then,  though  they  knew  it  not, 
dark  threatening  clouds  were  rising  up  on  all 
sides,  and  they  were  to  be  plunged  by  the  fell 
destroyers  into  black  despair.  Alas!  for  the 
brave  Chibchas  and  their  dawning  civihsation 
about  to  be  annihilated  in  flames  and  blood. 

The  Chibchas  have  not  been  fortunate  in  the 
preservation  of  their  story.  Castellanos,  Simon, 
Piedrahita  have  told  us  something,  but  posterity 
might  and  ought  to  have  received  much  more. 
The  actual  conqueror,  Gonzalo  Jimenez  de  Quesada, 
was  an  educated  and  accompUshed  man,  and  a 
keen  observer.  He,  it  would  seem,  not  only 
collected  information  about  the  conquered  people 
and  their  history,  but  wrote  it  down.  He  was  the 
author  of  a  work,  which  must  have  been  valuable 
and  important.  It  was  entitled  '  Los  tres  ratos 
de  Suesca."  The  meaning  of  this  curious  title  is 
that  he  wrote  his  work  on  the  Chibchas  during 
three  holidays  (ratos)  passed  at  his  farm  of  Suesca 
near  Bogota.  He  even  obtained  leave  to  print  it 
on  November  4,  1568.  Yet  it  is  not  now  known 
to  exist,  and  we  have  to  be  satisfied  with  what 
less  able  and  less  well-informed  writers  have  been 
able  to  hand  down  to  us. 


CHAPTEK  VI 

SPANIARDS  ON  THE  COAST 

The  black  clouds  were  gathering  round  the  doomed 
Chibcha  nation,  though  still  far  below  their  horizon. 
Even  to  the  people  on  the  coast  the  first  warning 
was,  as  it  were,  a  little  cloud  out  of  the  sea,  Uke  a 
man's  hand.  The  wonderful  apparition  scarcely 
portended  what  was  to  come.  Two  small  vessels 
were  seen  saiUng  along  the  coast.  They  were 
wonderful,  for  such  canoes,  so  large  and  so  high, 
out  of  the  water,  had  never  been  seen  or  heard  of. 
Then  strange  men  came  on  shore,  and  bartered 
with  the  natives  for  pearls  and  gold.  In  their 
deaUngs  they  were  kind  and  just,  and  the  natives 
were  consequently  quite  friendly. 

This  was  the  small  exploring  expedition  of 
Rodrigo  de  Bastidas,  a  scrivener  and  a  native  of 
Seville,  who  obtained  a  Kcence  for  his  expedition 
on  June  5,  1500.  The  two  small  ships  left 
Cadiz  in  October.  The  expedition  of  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda  had  just  returned,  having  discovered  the 

49  B 


50  VOYAGE  OF  BASTIDAS 

coast  of  what  is  now  Venezuela,  a  name  indeed 
wliich  Ojeda  gave,  as  far  as  Cabo  de  la  Vela,  the 
most  northern  point  of  South  America.  Bastidas 
continued  the  discovery  of  the  coast  thence  to  the 
GuK  of  Darien,  a  distance  of  about  360  miles. 
In  those  small  ships  there  was  a  company  of  very 
distinguished  men.  Bastidas  deserves  to  be  re- 
membered for  his  justice  and  friendhness  to  the 
native^,  which  eventually  cost  him  his  hfe.  His 
pilot,  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  the  companion  of  Columbus, 
was  one  of  the  best,  and  certainly  the  best  known, 
cartographer  of  that  age.  He  was  a  native  of 
Santona,  the  '  Gibraltar  of  the  North,'  ^  in  the 
Spanish  province  called  the  '  Montana,"  and  was 
a  man  of  substance.  Last,  but  not  least,  one  of 
the  greatest  of  the  Spanish  discoverers,  Vasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa,  was  with  Bastidas.  He  was 
equally  just  to  the  natives,  but  perhaps  more 
influenced  by  the  dictates  of  a  wise  pohcy  than 
by  motives  of  humanity. 

They  were  in  some  danger  at  the  mouth  of  a 
great  river,  to  which  the  name  of  Magdalena 
was  given.  This  was  in  March  1501,  and  the 
expedition  sailed  on  to  Zamba,  to  the  harbour  of 

*  Nearly  aU  writers,  copying  each  other,  erroneously  call  Juan 
de  la  Cosa  a  Basque. 


GRANT  TO  OJEDA  51 

Cartagena,  to  the  Eiver  Zenu,  to  the  Gulf  of  Uraba, 
and  as  far  as  Cape  Tiburon  where  the  isthmus 
commences.  Thus  the  whole  coast  of  what  is  now 
Colombia  was  discovered  by  these  two  httle 
vessels.  If  all  future  expeditions  had  been  con- 
ducted hke  that  of  Bastidas,  there  would  be  a 
very  different  story  to  tell. 

No  doubt  there  were  other  visitors  to  the  coast 
who  behaved  very  differently.  One  Christoval 
Guerra  was  there,  and  carried  off  a  number  of 
natives  to  slavery,  thus  altering  their  feehngs  for 
strangers. 

Treated  with  kindness  and  justice,  the  natives 
did  not  show  themselves  to  be  fierce  and  warhke. 
But  when  robbery  and  outrage  were  attempted, 
they  soon  taught  the  invaders  that  they  had  no 
timid  and  submissive  victims,  Hke  the  natives  of 
Hayti,  to  deal  with. 

Some  years  passed  away  before  another  black 
cloud  lowered  over  the  natives  of  the  coast.  In 
1508  concessions  were  made  for  the  settlement  of 
the  Spanish  main.  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  was  appointed 
Governor  of  the  country  from "^(Jiaxle  la  Vela 
to  the  Gulf  of  Uraba.  He  had  been  a  companion 
of  Columbus  in  his  second  voyage,  and  he  had 
commanded  an  expedition  of  his  own,  when  he 

E  2 


52  OJEDA  AND  NICUESA 

discovered  the  coast  of  Venezuela.  Recklessly 
brave,  Ojeda  had  no  other  quaUties  fitting  him  for 
command.  He  was  not  an  organiser,  was  hasty 
and  imprudent,  cruel  and  unjust  to  the  natives. 
He  had  with  him  his  old  shipmate,  the  great  carto- 
grapher, Juan  de  la  Cosa.  His  government  received 
the  name  of  Ne55?^  Andalusia.  Another  adventurer, 
Diego  Nicuesa,  a  well-to-do  planter  in  San  Domingo, 
was,  at  the  same  time,  appointed  Governor  of  the 
coast  of  the  isthmus  from  the  Gulf  of  Uraba  to 
Cape  Gracias  a  Dios,  his  government  being  named 
Castilla  del  Oro.  There  was  a  delay  of  two  years 
in  Spain  and  at  San  Domingo.  Ojeda  was  very 
jealous  of  Nicuesa,  because  his  wealth  attracted 
better  men  to  his  standard.  It  ended  in  a  quarrel. 
Ojeda  hurried  his  departure  and  refused  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  his  colleague.  In  January  1510 
Ojeda  sailed  from  San  Domingo,  intending  to 
build  the  first  fort  and  found  his  first  town  at 
Calamar  (Cartagena). 

Ojeda  arrived  and  disembarked  his  men,  with 
the  intention  of  treating  the  natives  as  slaves, 
their  Uves  and  property  to  be  used  as  he  pleased. 
He  seized  seventy  natives,  and  burnt  eight  because 
they  defended  their  houses.  The  rest  retreated, 
and  the  Spaniards  followed  them  as  far  as  a  place 


lAT  OF  THE  SPANIAEDS  53 

called/Turbaco,  where  they  were  reinforced  and 
made  ^a  desperate  stand.  There  was  a  fierce  and 
stubbornl&attle.  The  natives  all  joined  in  the 
defence  of  their  homes.  Women  fought  by  the 
sides  of  their  husbands,  girls  by  the  sides  of  their 
brothers.  The  Spaniards  had  found  their  match. 
They  were  entirely  defeated  with  a  loss  of  seventy 
men.  Juan  de  la  Cosa  was  among  the  dead. 
Ojeda  fled  into  the  forest,  and  eventually  reached 
the  beach,  where  he  was  luckily  seen  from  the  ship 
and  taken  on  board,  half  dead  from  fatigue  and 
exposure.  .-    - 

A  few  days  afterwards  Nicuesa  arrived  with  his 
squadron.  Ojeda  did  not  like  to  go  on  board  his 
colleague's  ship,  not  knowing  what  reception  he 
would  have  after  his  conduct  at  San  Domingo. 
But  Nicuesa,  when  he  heard  of  the  disaster,  at 
once  sent  to  offer  help.  A  combined  force  was 
landed  and  marched  to  Turbaco,  taking  the  people 
by  surprise.  There  was  a  massacre  of  men,  women, 
and  children.  The  expedition  then  went  on  to  the 
Gulf  of  Uraba,  where  the  two  leaders  parted  com- 
pany. Nicuesa  proceeded  to  his  government  of 
Castilla  de  Oro,  on  the  shores  of  the  isthmus, 
where,  after  much  suffering  and  many  disasters, 
he  at  last  abandoned  hope.    He  returned  to  Uraba, 


54  DEFEAT  OF  OJEDA 

and  embarking  in  a  crazy  boat  for  San  Domingo 
was  lost  at  sea. 

Ojeda  built  a  stockaded  fort  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Grulf^of  Uraba,  and  about  thirty  huts  for 
his  people,  calling  the  place  San  Sebastian  de  Uraba. 
Ojeda  was  a  type  of  the  worst  kind  of  Spanish 
'  Conquistador/  Absolutely  without  fear  either  of 
immediate  danger  or  of  consequences,  he  was 
rash,  imprudent,  and  improvident ;  and  he  treated 
the  natives  with  horrible  cruelty,  looking  upon 
them  as  slaves  only  fit  for  outrage,  robbery,  and 
ill-treatment.  At  Uraba  he  found  his  match  again, 
for  the  natives  were  equally  brave,  and  though  not 
so  well  armed,  still  well  able  to  defend  their  homes 
and  retaliate  in  kind. 

Ojeda's  first  proceeding  was  to  make  an  incursion 
in  .order  to  obtain  suppUes  by  robbing  the  natives, 
with  every  sort  of  cruelty  and  outrage.  These 
raids  were  continued  until  a  chief,  named  TjriEij 
gathered  his  forces  .  together  and  disputed  the 
advance  of  the  marauders.  There  was  a  battle, 
in  which  the  Spaniards  were  defeated  and  fled 
back  to  their  fort,  with  their  commander  wounded 
by  an  arrow  There  was  serious  loss,  the  fort  was 
invested,  and  the  Spaniards  who  had  taken  refuge 
there  feared  to  come  out.  Soon  they  were  threatened 


PIZARRO  AND  ENCISO  55 

with  famine.  They  still  had  two  small  vessels. 
Ojeda  determined  to  go  in  one  of  them  to  San 
Domingo  for  help.  The  rest  were  to  follow  if  he 
did  not  return  in  fifty  days.  He  was  shipwrecked 
on  the  coast  of  Cuba,  and  after  much  suffering 
and  the  lapse  of  several  months,  he  reached  San 
Domingo  and  died  there. 

Ojeda,  as  a  young  man,  was  remarkable  for  his 
skill  in  all  martial  exercises  and  for  his  reckless 
daring.  He  was  alike  cool  in  moments  of  danger 
and  absolutely  without  fear.  But  he  was  undis- 
cipUned,  impatient  of  any  control,  and  unjust. 
His  bad  quaUties  increased  with  age,  and  his 
misfortunes  were  due  to  his  own  misconduct. 

The  miserable  remnant  of  Ojeda's  men  was 
left  in  charge  of  Francisco  Pizarro,  the  future 
Marquis  and  destroyer  of  Inca  civihsation.  The 
fifty  days  expired,  and  they  got  on  board  the 
remaining  vessel,  which  was  scarcely  seaworthy, 
to  make  their  way  to  San  Domingo. 

Near  Cartagena  they  met  two  vessels  under 
the  command  of  the  Bachiller  Martin  Fernandez  de 
Enciso,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Uraba  with  rein- 
forcements and  supphes.  In  spite  of  their  entreaties 
he  obhged  the  miserable  remnant  of  Ojeda 's 
expedition  to  turn  back  with  him.     He  wanted 


r 


56  FAILURE  OF  ENCISO 

them  for  guides.  On  Enciso's  arrival  at  Cartagena 
a  remarkable  thing  happened.  When  the  natives 
found  that  Ojeda  was  not  in  command,  and  that 
no  robbery  or  kidnapping  was  intended,  they 
wiUingly  brought  suppHes  and  became  friendly. 
Enciso  next  touched  at  the  Zenu  Eiver,  where  his 
avarice  was  aroused  at  the  sight  of  gold  brought 
to  barter,  and  he  departed  from  the  wise  policy 
he  had  adopted  at  Cartagena.  He  attacked  the 
village  and  committed  outrages  in  searching  for 
the  riches  which  he  failed  to  discover. 

On  entering  the  Gulf  of  Uraba  a  great  disaster 
befell  the  expedition.  The  largest  ship  was  wrecked 
and  everything  was  lost,  arms,  ammunition,  stores, 
provisions,  and  live  stock.  The  native  chiefs  had 
ordered  the  fort  to  be  razed  to  the  ground.  They 
were  completely  victorious,  and  have  maintained 
their  independence  to  the  present  day — the  Canas 
and  Casimanes. 

The  Spaniards  were  reduced  to  a  hundred  men 
and  two  small  vessels.  They  did  not  venture  to 
try  conclusions  with  their  gallant  enemies,  but 
landed  on  the  other  side  of  the  gulf,  where  they 
succeeded  in  obtaining  some  supphes  from  the 
natives  and  about  10,000  pesos  of  gold  by 
barter. 


VASCO  NUfteZ  DE  BALBOA  57 

Then  a  great  man  rose  up,  a  born  leader,  wise, 
prudent,  and  humane.  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa 
was,  I  think,  the  greatest  man  that  the  discovery 
of  Spanish  America  called  forth.  He  took  command 
at  Uraba,  and  sent  Enciso  back  to  San  Domingo, 
and  to  Spain. 

The  news  of  gold  found  in  such  quantities 
made  a  deep  impression  on  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment. It  was  resolved  to  send  out  an  expedition 
on  a  very  large  scale.  Much  depended  on  the 
commander,  and  as  usual  a  bad  choice  was  made. 
Cortes,  Nunez  de  Balboa,  Pizarro,  Quesada  were 
not  selected  by  the  Spanish  Government;  they 
selected  themselves,  or  were  appointed,  as  in  the 
case  of  Quesada,  by  local  governors  who  knew 
their  worth.  The  Home  Government  only  recog- 
nised them  when  they  had  abeady  won  their  way 
to  fame.  Pedrarias,  Nunez  de  Vela,  Alfonso  de 
Lugo  were  the  sort  of  men  selected  by  the  Home 
Government,  either  worthless  or  incapable  or  both. 
In  this  respect  the  Spanish  Home  Government 
does  not  stand  alone  among  Home  Governments. 
Very  much  the  contrary. 

Pedro  Arias  Davila,  brother  of  the  Count  of 
Punonrostro,  was  a  colonel  of  infantry,  and  had  the 
name  of  '  El  Justador '  in  his  youth  from  his  skill 


58  EXPEDITION  OF  PEDEARIAS 

as  a  j ouster.  He  was  arrogant,  jealous,  and  self- 
sufficient,  and  had  few  qualifications  for  his  new 
post.  He  was  accompanied  among  others  by 
Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo,  the  well-known 
historian ;  by  Martin  Fernandez  de  Enciso,  a  very 
eminent  geographer ;  by  Pascual  de  Andagoya,  who 
recorded  the  history  of  the  expedition ;  i  and  by 
other  men  of  mark.  The  expedition  consisted 
of  1800  men  in  fifteen  ships,  and  they  sailed  from 
Spain  on  April  10, 1514,  arriving  at  the  port  of  Santa 
Martha  in  June,  where  they  remained  for  some  days. 

We  are  mainly  concerned  with  the  expedition 
of  Pedrarias  in  this  chapter,  because  it  sailed  along 
our  Colombian  coast,  and  because  it  was  honoured 
by  the  presence  of  an  eminent  geographer  fer  se. 
Its  history  belongs  to  that  of  the  isthmus. 

The  presence  of  Enciso  gives  lustre  to  the  ex- 
pedition. He  was  a  cartographer,  a  good  observer, 
and  he  had  the  gift  of  lucid  description.  His 
latitude  of  Cabo  de  la  Vela  is  absolutely  correct, 
and  it  is  from  him  alone  that  we  have  an  intelKgent 
description  of  the  coast.  In  his  famous  work, 
the  '  Suma  de  Geografia,'  there  is  a  very  interesting 
account  of  the  coast  almost  amounting  to  saihng 

^  See  my  edition  of  the  narrative  of  Pascual  de  Andagoya, 
taken  from  Navarrete's  Collection,  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's 
Series. 


ENCISO  AS  A  GEOGRAPHER  59 

directions,  with  latitudes,  tlie  distances  between 
anchorages,  and  other  particulars.  ^ 

After  leaving  Cabo  de  la  Vela  he  mentions 
Yaharo,  a  good  port  with  fertile  land  on  the  skirts 
of  the  snowy  mountains.  Among  other  edible 
fruits,  Enciso  here  first  became  acquainted  with 
what  we  call  the  aUigator  (avocado)  pear.  He 
describes  the  inside  as  Hke  butter  '  with  such  a 
wonderful  flavour,  and  a  taste  so  good  and  pleasant 
that  it  is  wonderful.' 

He  gives  the  latitude  of  Santa  Martha,  and 
describes  it  as  the  best  harbour  on  the  coast.  The 
land,  he  says,  is  irrigated  by  hand  and  by  channels, 
the  cereal -and  other  crops  they  raise  being  thus 
watered.  It  is  an  open  country  with  lofty  bare 
mountains  beyond,  abounding  in  wild  pigs  and 
deer.  The  people  are  warUke,  and  use  poisoned 
arrows.  They  also  grow  much  cotton  and  weave 
cloths.  They  have  a  great  deal  of  gold  and  copper, 
and  have  discovered  an  excellent  way  of  gilding 
the  copper. 

Enciso  describes  a  sort  of  upas-tree  with  wild 
poisonous  fruit.    He  says  that  when  a  man  eats 

^  La  Suma  de  Geografia  del  Bachiller  Martin  Fernandez  de 
Enciso,  Algvuzil  Mayor  del  Castitta  del  Oro  (Seville,  1519),  eighty 
leaves.  The  work  of  Enciso  is  extremely  rare,  and  fetches 
extraordinarily  high  prices. 


60  ENCISO  AS  A  GEOGRAPHEK 

one  of  these  apples,  maggots  breed  in  his  body, 
and  if  he  rests  under  the  tree  his  head  begins  to 
ache.  If  he  stays  long  his  sight  begins  to  fail, 
and  if  he  sleeps  under  it  he  loses  his  sight. 
Enciso  adds  that  he  has  seen  all  this  and  knows 
by  experience. 

From  Santa  Martha  the  coast  turns  south  for 
sixty  miles,  and  further  on  the  great  River  Magda- 
lena  enters  the  sea.  Then  the  coast  turns  more 
west  to  the  Port  of  Zamba  in  11°30'  N.,  the  land 
being  flat,  in  beautiful  savannas,  and  weU  peopled. 
Enciso  gives  useful  directions  for  entering  the 
harbour  of  Cartagena.  He  described  the  people  as 
being  well  disposed  but  warhke,  using  bows  and 
arrows,  and  the  women  fight  as  well  as  the  men. 
He  captured  a  girl  of  eighteen,  who  was  particu- 
larly warhke.  The  young  lady  told  him  that  she 
had  killed  eight  Spaniards  before  she  was 
taken.  Enciso  adds  that  these  people  grow  maize 
and  make  good  bread  which  is  very  nourishing, 
and  a  fermented  hquor.  SaiUng  onwards  he  next 
mentions  a  large  and  good  harbour  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Eiver  Zenu,  where  they  make  salt,  twenty-five 
leagues  from  Cartagena  in  9°  N.  He  describes 
the  method  of  interring  the  chiefs  at  Zenu.  At 
this  place  there  was  much  fine  gold,  the  people 


ENCISO  AS  A  GEOGRAPHER  61 

using  it  for  ornaments.  They  said  it  came  from 
mountains  whence  flowed  the  Kiver  Zenu. 

Finally,  as  regards  our  Colombian  coast,  the 
distinguished  geographer  came  to  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba,  fourteen  leagues  long.  Enciso  gives  a  very 
interesting  account  of  the  animals  he  saw  in  Darien, 
especially  of  the  tapirs,  jaguars,  peccaries,  and 
aUigators,  and  he  praises  the  flesh  and  eggs  of  the 
iguanas  as  excellent  food.  Here  we  must  leave 
our  illustrious  guide,  who  describes  so  well  and 
clearly  the  whole  sea-coast  with  which  this  history 
is  concerned. 

These  visits  of  Spaniards  to  the  coast,  with 
their  attendant  robberies  and  outrages,  were  the 
threatening  black  clouds  which  hung  over  the 
unfortunate  natives,  and  would  burst  upon  them 
with  destructive  force  when  the  permanent  settle- 
ments commenced. 


CHAPTER  VII 

VASCO  NUNEZ  DE   BALBOA 

Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  was  born  in  1475,  and 
having  gone  out  to  the  Indies  at  an  early  age, 
he  joined  the  expedition  of  Bastidas,  and  thus 
became  acquainted  with  the  Spanish  main  from  ^ 
Cabo  de  la  Vela  to  Darien.  He  also  became 
impressed  with  the  wisdom  of  Bastidas  in  treating 
the  natives  with  fairness  and  humanity.  Of  the 
next  eight  or  nine  years  of  his  Hf  e  nothing  is  known. 
It  was  probably  passed  at  San  Domingo.  For 
when  Enciso  sailed  with  succour  for  the  starving 
remnant  of  Ojeda^s  expedition  in  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba,  Vasco  Nunez  was  on  board  one  of  the 
ships,  headed  up  in  a  cask,  to  escape  from  his 
creditors. 

We  have  seen  that  the  expedition  of  Enciso 
met  the  Ojeda  remnant  at  sea  in  a  crazy  vessel 
under  the  command  of  Francisco  Pizarro,  and 
that  he  'forced  the  starving  people  to  return,  but 
he  brought  no  help,  for  he  wrecked  his  largest 

62 


GREATNESS  OF  VASCO  NU^Z  63 

stip,  with  the  provisions  and  stores  on  board, 
at  the  entrance  to  the  GuK  of  Uraba.  The  miser- 
able colony  found  itseK  in  a  worse  phght  than  it 
was  before,  for  there  were  many  more  mouths  to 
feed.  Enciso  was  sent  back  to  San  Domingo. 
They  had  no  use  for  him.  He  was  an  eminent 
geographer,  but  no  good  in  an  emergency. 

Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  was  at  once  received 
as  leader  of  the  forlorn  body  of  starving  men  in 
the  GuK  of  Darien.  Francisco  Pizarro,  though 
several  years  older,  at  once  accepted  a  subordinate 
position.  No  one,  indeed,  would  seek  for  such  a 
command,  except  a  man  who  sometimes  rises 
with  the  occasion,  and  whose  genius  tells  him  that 
he  alone  can  stem  the  tide  of  ruin  and  despair. 
Vasco  Nunez  was  such  a  man.  His  first  care 
was  to  gather  together  the  miserable  remnants 
of  the  expeditions  of  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa.  Some 
were  in  the  so-called  town  of  Santa  Maria  la 
Antigua,  in  the  Gulf  of  Uraba  or  Darien ;  others 
scattered  along  the  coast,  or  with  native  chiefs. 
He  brought  them  all  together,  nursed  the  sick, 
allotted  houses  and  patches  for  cultivation,  and 
made  them  all  feel  that  theirs  was  a  born  leader 
of  men  to  rule  over  them  and  care  for  them. 

It  was  necessary  to  make  long  excursions  in 


64  VASCO  NUNEZ  AND  THE  NATIVES 

search  of  food ;  and  in  all  these  journeys  Vasco 
Nunez  was  not  only  with  his  men,  but  leading 
them,  and  pioneering  the  way  through  dense 
forests  and  fetid  swamps.  Sometimes  he  had  to 
take  them  for  a  league  or  more  stripped  naked, 
with  their  clothes  on  shields  on  their  heads ;  then 
through  dense  forest,  then  another  morass;  and 
this  for  many  days,  to  obtain  suppUes  and  induce 
the  natives  to  trade. 

One  secret  of  the  success  of  Vasco  Nunez  was 
his  constant  care  to  prevent  the  natives  from  being 
robbed  or  ill-treated.  Excepting  some  savage 
tribes  to  the  south,  he  was  successful  in  drawing 
them  into  friendship.  They  were  very  friendly 
when  fairly  treated,  but  vaUant  and  indomitable 
when  attacked  or  attempted  to  be  enslaved. 
Vasco  Nunez,  by  his  wise  pohcy  of  conciHation, 
obtained  much  information  from  them.  He  was 
welcomed  by  the  chiefs  in  their  houses,  and  gained 
influence  over  them,  especially  over  two  powerful 
rulers  in  the  isthmus  named  Careta,  lord  of  Coiba, 
and  Comogue.  He  found  them  in  a  beautiful 
country,  clear  of  forest,  except  groves  of  trees 
near  the  banks  of  mountain  streams. 

There  were  no  villages,  each  chief  having  a 
few  houses  close  together  on  his  land  where  the 


INDIANS  OF  DAKIEN  65 

crops  were  sown :  one  such  settlement  inland, 
and  another  on  the  coast.  The  house  of  the 
Comogue  chief  was  150  feet  long  by  80  feet  broad. 
Here  the  chief  sat  in  judgment  and  settled  all 
disputes.  Each  principal  stated  his  case  and 
never  dared  to  He,  so  that  no  witnesses  were 
required.  The  chief  then  gave  his  decision  and 
there  was  an  end  of  the  matter.  The  chief  received 
no  rent  nor  tribute,  only  personal  service.  He 
was  feared  and  loved.  He  had  one  wife ;  only 
her  sons  succeeding.  The  people  had  maize  and 
bean  crops,  and  also  hunted  game  and  fished  in 
the  rivers.  Their  weapons  were  darts  and  clubs. 
Deer  and  peccaries  abounded,  the  latter  in  large 
herds ;  and  among  game-birds  the  curassow,i 
doves,  and  water-fowl.  When  there  was  a  great 
hunt  the  people  Hghted  fires  in  the  grass,  and  the 
deer,  half  bhnded  by  the  smoke,  came  out  within 
easy  range  of  the  stone-tipped  darts.  The  jaguars 
were  numerous  and  sufficiently  dangerous  to  make 
it  necessary  to  close  the  houses  against  them  at 
night. 

Of  the  rehgion  of  the  Darien  Indians  little  can 
be  known,  for  the  superstitious  Spaniards  thought 

^  Turkeys  are  Mexican  birds,  not  found  further  south  than 
Guatemala. 


66  INTERMENT  OF  A  CHIEF 

that  the  deities  were  devils,  the  priests  were  wizards, 
and  their  prayers  were  talks  with  the  devil.  There 
is  a  more  authentic  account  of  the  customs  con- 
nected with  interments,  for  Andagoya  was  present 
at  the  ceremonies  on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of 
the  chief  of  Pocorosa. 

The  body  was  wrapped  in  the  richest  cloths 
adorned  with  gold.  The  relations  then  suspended 
it  from  the  roof  with  cords,  and  lighted  charcoal 
fires  under  it.  The  body  melted  with  the  heat, 
and  when  it  was  quite  dried,  it  was  suspended  in 
the  new  chief's  palace.  During  this  process  the 
mourners  sat  round  the  body,  in  black  mantles, 
day  and  night,  no  one  else  entering.  They  had 
"""a  drum  giving  out  a  deep  sound,  and  they  struck 
blows  on  it  from  time  to  time  as  a  sign  of  mourning. 
On  the  anniversary  festival  the  body  was  burnt 
to  ashes. 

Vasco  Nunez  obtained  much  information  from 
the  chiefs  Comogue  and  Careta.  He  heard  that 
most  of  the  gold  came  from  the  south,  found 
either  in  the  mountains  or  by  washing  the  river- 
sand  ;  and  that  there  was  a  great  chief  in  those 
parts,  named  Davaive  or  Dobaybe,  who  bartered 
for  the  gold  with  the  tribes  that  collected  it,  and 
had   great   store,   with   apphances   for   smelting. 


COLONY  FORMED  BY  VASCO  NUNEZ  67 

In  his  visits  to  Careta,  Vasco  Nunez  fell  in  love 
with  the  beautiful  daughter  of  the  chief,  and 
maintained  an  unswerving  attachment  for  her  to 
the  day  of  his  death.  From  a  son  of  the  Comogue 
chief  he  received  the  important  tidings  that  at  a 
distance  of  three  days'  journey  were  the  shores 
of  another  great  ocean,  which  was  always  smooth 
and  never  rough  hke  the  Carribean  Sea,  and  that 
in  it  there  was  great  store  of  pearls.  Hence- 
forward it  was  his  principal  object  to  discover 
the  Pacific  Ocean. 

By  the  same  vessel  in  which  Enciso  was  sent 
back,  Vasco  Nunez  wrote  entreating  the  Admiral  i 
to  send  succour  at  once,  for  if  it  did  not  come 
soon  it  would  not  be  necessary  to  send  it  at  all. 
At  length  two  vessels  arrived  with  provisions, 
and  the  title  of  *  Alcalde  Mayor  '  from  the  Audiencia 
of  San  Domingo  for  Vasco  Nunez. 

Thus  had  this  gifted  man,  by  an  extraordinary 
combination  of  quahties — tact  and  sympathy  in 
deahng  with  his  own  countrjnnen,  a  pohcy  of 
humanity  and  justice  in  dealing  with  the  natives, 
prudence,  firmness,  marvellous  energy  and  per- 
severance— converted  a  starving  and  despairing 
crowd     into     a    prosperous     colony.       He     now 

^  The  son  of  Columbus. 

F  2 


68  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  PACIFIC 

proceeded  to  make  preparations  for  his  great 
discovery.  But  first  lie  wrote  a  dispatch  to  the 
Emperor,  dated  January  20,  1513,  after  two 
years  of  untiring  work  in  his  sovereign's  service. 
It  is  a  document  of  the  deepest  interest,^  explain- 
ing all  that  had  been  done,  furnishing  all  the 
information  that  had  been  collected,  asking  for 
the  supply  of  materials  for  shipbuilding,  for 
arms  and  reinforcements,  and  requesting  that  he 
might  be  appointed  Governor  of  the  colony  he 
had  created.  Vasco  Nunez  sent  an  officer,  named 
Sebastian  del  Campo,  in  charge  of  the  dispatch 
and  of  370  'pesos  de  oro.  This  dispatch  never 
appears  to  have  been  answered.  The  only  reply 
was  the  dispatch  of  an  incompetent  maUgnant 
old  officer  to  supersede  him,  undo  his  excellent 
work,  and  kill  him. 

It  was  on  September  1,  ISlg^^  that  Vasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa  set  out  from  Darien  on  his 
memorable  expedition.  Francisco  Pizarro  wasi/ 
among  his  chosen  companions.  He  went  by  sea 
to  the  Port  of  Coiba  where  his  father-in-law,  the 
chief  Careta,  had  supphed  him  with  guides,  warriors, 

^  It  has  been  preserved  in  the  Collections  of  Navarrete,  torn  iii.. 
No.  6,  p.  375.  There  is  a  translation  in  the  Introduction  to  the 
narrative  of  Pascual  de  Andagoya,  printed  for  the  Haklujrt 
Society,  1865. 


DISCOVEKY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN  69 

and  provisions.  They  were  led  through  dense 
forest,  partly  along  the  banks  of  the  Chucunaque 
Eiver,  then  up  the  cordillera  until  they  reached 
the  summit,  when  the  vast  expanse  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean  burst  upon  their  astonished  view.  They 
descended  the  slopes  and  reached  the  shores  of 
the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel.  Then  Vasco  Nunez  de 
Balboa  plunged  into  the  sea,  waving  the  banner 
of  Castille  above  his  head.  He  had  discovered 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  the  greatest  discovery,  and  the 
greatest  achievement,  at  least  in  its  consequences, 
that  was  made  and  done  in  that  age  of  der- 
ring  do.  For  it  was  due  as  much  to  his  humane 
pohcy  as  to  his  courage  and  resolution ;  as  much 
to  his  statesmanship  as  to  his  skill  as  a'  leader 
of  men. 

From  that  time  the  mind  of  Vascp  Nunez 
was  set  upon  the  building  of  ships  to  explore  the 
ocean  he  had  discovered,  a  work  of  extreme  diffi- 
culty. He  returned  to  his  colony  at  Santa  Maria 
la  Antigua,  which  consisted  of  450  souls,  and 
continued  to  work  with  inexhaustible  energy. 
He  had  fortified  the  place  with  double  palKsades 
of  strong  wood,  with  clay  between,  and  surrounded 
them  with  a  deep  ditch. 

Pedrarias  arrived  at  Santa  Maria  la  Antigua 


70  ARRIVAL  OF  PEDRARIAS 

in  the  end  of  June  1514  as  Governor,  with  a  great 
staff  of  officials,  a  bishop,  and  1200  men.  When 
he  sent  to  apprise  the  Alcalde  Mayor  of  his  arrival, 
the  messenger  found  Vasco  Nunez,  who  was  never 
idle,  in  cotton  shirt,  loose  drawers,  and  sandals, 
helping  some  natives  to  thatch  a  house.  The 
new  Governor  landed  on  June  30,  and  iromediately 
appointed  Enciso,  who  was  supposed  to  be  his 
enemy,  to  take  the  residencia  of  the  Alcalde  Mayor. 
Nothing  could  be  proved  against  him,  but  some- 
thing was  pretended,  and  he  was  heavily  fined 
and  for  some  time  under  arrest. 

The  grand  work  of  the  illustrious  coloniser  was 
ruthlessly  destroyed.  Kobbery  and  murder  took 
the  place  of  justice  and  conciHation.  The  first 
act  of  Pedrarias  was  to  send  Juan  de  Ayora,  one 
of  his  captains,  to  build  forts  in  Comogue  and 
Pocorosa.  Ayora  proceeded  to  torture  and  burn 
the  natives  for  gold,  and  then  sailed  away  with  it. 
Bartolome  Hurtado,  another  of  the  Governor's 
men,  was  sent  in  search  of  Ayora,  devastated 
the  country  and  brought  back  many  slaves. 
Then  one  G^spar  de  Morales,  the  most  infamous 
of  the  gang,  was  sent  across  the  isthmus  to  seek 
for  pearls  in  some  islands  off  the  coast,  with  eighty 
men.    The  chiefs  and  people  were  very  friendly. 


VASCO  NUNEZ  APPEALS  71 

In  return  he  had  the  chiefs  torn  to  pieces  by  blood- 
hounds, killed  many  men  and  a  hundred  women 
and  children,  burnt  the  houses  and  all  the  stores 
of  corn,  and  carried  off  many  of  the  surviving 
women.  The  enraged  natives  hung  upon  his 
rear  as  he  retreated.  So  he  murdered  the  women 
one  by  one,  leaving  their  bodies  in  the  road  to 
check  the  pursuit.  '  He  committed  greater  cruelties 
than  have  ever  been  heard  of  among  Arabs  or  any 
other  people."  The  memory  of  Francisco  Pizarro 
must  bear  the  infamy  of  having  been  second  in 
command  in  this  expedition. 

The  feeUngs  of  Vasco  Nunez  may  be  imagined 
at  witnessing  all  his  wise  and  good  pohcy  destroyed 
by  these  atrocities.  At  last,  on  October  16, 
1515^  he  wrote  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  He 
said  :  *  He  who  would  bring  the  colony  back  into 
the  condition  it  once  was  must  neither  sleep  nor 
be  careless.  The  natives,  formerly  hke  sheep, 
have  become  as  fierce  as  hons.  Once  they  came 
out  with  presents.  Now  they  go  forth  to  kill. 
Not  a  single  friendly  tribe  is  left,  except  Careta 
who  remains  neutral."  Vasco  Nunez  then  gave 
an  accurate  summary  of  the  character  of  Pedrarias. 
'He  is  an  honourable  person,  but  very  old  for 
this  country  and  ill  of  a  serious  disease.    He  is 


72  SHIPS  FOE  THE  PACIFIC 

excessively  impatient  and  very  indifferent  to  the 
welfare  of  his  soldiers,^  yet  he  never  punishes  their 
evil  deeds  and  murders.  He  is  much  pleased  to 
see  discords  between  one  and  another,  fostering 
it  by  speaking  evil  to  one  of  the  other.  In  him 
reigns  all  the  envy  and  avarice  in  the  world.  He 
encourages  tale-bearing,  more  easily  beUeving  evil 
things  than  good ;  and  he  is  without  judgment 
or  any  genius  for  government." 

Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  was  full  of  zeal  and 
anxiety  to  get  ships  afloat  on  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
and  to  explore  the  vast  unknown  region.  He  sent 
a  friend,  Francisco  Garavita,  to  Cuba  for  materials 
to  build  ships  and  for  shipwrights.  Garavita  re- 
turned with  what  was  required.  But  Pedrarias 
was  furious,  declaring  that  it  was  done  without 
his  sanction.  Vasco  Nunez  was  arrested,  and 
confined  in  the  Governor's  own  house.  Then  the 
good  bishop,  Dr.  Qgeyedo,  who  had  always  been 
a  true  friend  to  Vasco  Nunez,  intervened.  He 
explained  to  the  jealous  old  incapable  how  much 
the  plans  of  the  great  man  he  was  persecuting 
would  redound  to  his  own  credit,  and  at  last  per- 
suaded him  to  sanction  and  assist  in  the  great  work. 
If  he  would  refrain  from  hindering,  it  was  all  that 

^  They  were  dying  like  rotten  sheep. 


SHIPS  FOR  THE  PACIFIC  73 

was  wanted.  The  bishop  so  gained  upon  Pedrarias 
for  the  moment,  that  he  actually  consented  to  the 
betrothal  of  Vasco  Nunez  with  his  daughter,  who 
was  in  Spain.  It  was  a  merepohtical  arrange- 
ment, for  the  true  lover  remained  staunch  in  his 
attachment  to  the  fair  daughter  of  Careta  until 
death. 

Thus  temporarily  freed  from  obstruction  Vasco 
Nunez  set  to  work  with  his  never-faihng  energy 
and  forethought.  He  first  formed  a  settlement 
at  Ada,  a  convenient  port  on  the  Atlantic  side 
whither  the  ship  from  Cuba  was  brought.  The 
stores  and  fittings  were  then  landed,  and  the 
tremendous  problem  of  conveying  all  through 
the  dense  forests,  over  the  mountains  to  the 
Pacific  side,  and  building  the  ships  had  to  be 
solved.  Vasco  Nunez  was  the  man  to  do  it. 
The  natives  beheved  in  him  and  trusted  him. 
No  other  man  could  have  done  it.  The  labour 
was  tremendous.  Beams,  planking,  masts,  sails, 
ropes,  ironwork,  provisions  had  to  be  carried  over 
this  terrible  journey.  Vasco  Nunez  was  fortunate 
in  finding  a  young  comrade  inspired  with  the  same 
lofty  aims  as  himself.  His  name  was  Francisco 
Companon,  and  his  aid  was  invaluable.  He 
worked  himself,  encouraged  others,  helped  those 


74  THE  SHIPS  BUILT 

who  broke  down,  and  established  a  half-way  house 
with  provisions  on  the  summit  of  the  cordillera. 
Vasco  Nuiiez  selected  the  shore  of  the  Eio  de  la 
Balsa,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel, 
as  the  place  for  building  the  ships ;  or  at 
Pegueo  on  the  north  side,  according  to  another 
authority.  Many  and  great  difficulties  had  to  be 
met  and  overcome.  Huts  had  to  be  built  and 
the  needs  of  his  people  attended  to,  always  his 
first  care.  There  was  much  trouble  with  un- 
seasoned timber,  and  some  had  to  be  felled  on  the 
spot.  At  length  the  ships  were  completed,  and 
Vasco  Nunez  was  ready  to  start.  The  moment 
he  had  longed  for  was  very  near. 

The  news  arrived  that  a  new  Governor,  named 
Lope  de  Sosa,  was  appointed  who  might  stop 
the  expedition.  A  messenger,  named  Botello,  was 
sent  to  Ada,  to  ascertain  the  truth,  i  In  the 
same  evening  Vasco  Nuiiez  had  a  conversation  in 
his  hut  with  his  friend  the  Licentiate  Valderra- 
bano.  Their  conclusion  was  that  if  ■the^'new 
Governor  had  arrived  the  expedition  should  start 
at  once,  but  that  if  Pedrarias  was  still  Governor 
they  would  wait  for  some  more  stores  that  were  due. 

^  Lope  de  Sosa  was  on  his  way,  but,  unfortunately,  he  died  at 
Darien. 


MITEDER  OF  VASCO  NU]SEZ  75 

It  was  raining,  and  a  rascally  sentry  had  taken 
shelter  under  the  eaves,  and  was  listening  outside 
the  wall  of  canes.  He  quite  misunderstood  what 
was  said,  and  thought,  or  pretended  to  think,  there 
was  a  plot  against  Pedrarias,  so  he  went  ofi  next 
day  to  report  it,  and  get  a  reward. 

The  mahgnant  old  man  was  eaten  up  with 
jealousy  and  spite,  and  resolved  to  make  this  an 
excuse  for  getting  rid  of  Vasco  Nunez.  He  had 
long  ago  repented  of  the  reconciliation  negotiated 
by  the  good  bishop.  He  proceeded  by  sea  to  Ada, 
with  his  officials,  and  sent  a  message  to  Vasco 
Nunez  requesting  him  to  come  to  Ada,  as  he 
wanted  to  consult  him  on  business  of  importance, 
and  to  give  him  his  final  instructions. 

Vasco  Nunez  suspected  no  treachery.  A 
warning  was  sent  by  a  friend,  Hernando  de  Aguello, 
but  the  letter  was  intercepted.  The  great  adminis- 
trator had  300  men  and  four  small  vessels  (called 
*  bergantins  ')  in  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel  and  could 
have  defied  Pedrarias.  The  pity  of  it !  He  had 
no  suspicion.  He  went  with  his  friend  Valderra- 
bano  and  a  few  servants.  Outside  Ada  he  was 
met  by  Pizarro  and  a  guard,  who  arrested  and 
chained  him.  He  said  :  '  What  is  this,  Francisco  ? 
You  were  not  wont  to  come  out  in  this  fashion  to 


76  MUKDER  OF  VASCO  NU^EZ 

receive  me/  ^    The   royal  officiak   came  to   the 

illustrious  prisoner,  and  he  solemnly  declared  that 

the  testimony   against   him  was  false,  and    that 

he  was  and  always  had  been  loyal  to  the  King 

and  to  his  Governor.    No  one  really  doubted  it. 

But  Pedrarias  ordered  the  Alcalde  Mayor,   the 

Licentiate   Espinosa,   to   condemn   Vasco   Nunez 

and    three    of    his    friends    to    death.    Espinosa 

refused  and  protested,  unless  Pedrarias  gave  the 

order  himself  in  writing.     This  was  done.    Espinosa 

then  declared  that  the  great  services  of  Vasco 

Nunez  should  be  considered  and  that  there  was 

the  right  of  appeal.     This  was  refused,  and  the 

four  prisoners  were  brought  out  for  execution. 

Most  unluckily  the  good  Bishop  Quevedo  was  not 

at  Ada.     When  the  executioner  cried  out  '  This 

is  the  justice  of  the  King  and  of  our  Lord  Pedrarias 

on  a  traitor  and  usurper,'  Vasco  Nunez  exclaimed 

in  a  loud  voice  '  It  is  a  he.     It  is  false.     I  declare 

this  to  God  before  whom  I  go,  and  I  would  that 

^  Pizarro  has  only  been  seen  as  yet  as  an  incompetent  leader 
of  the  Ojeda  remnant,  as  a  monster  of  cruelty  under  Morales,  and 
as  a  base  traitor  to  his  benefactor  and  friend.  He  afterwards  proved 
his  capacity  and  indomitable  resolution  in  the  discovery  and 
conquest  of  Peru,  but  still  with  the  taint  of  cruelty  and  treachery 
upon  him.  In  his  last  years,  he  certainly  rose  to  the  occasion,  and 
with  great  power  and  responsibilities  he  became  another  man; 
but  never  such  as  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa. 


MUEDER  OF  VASCO  NUSTEZ  77 

all  the  King's  subjects  were  as  faithful  as  I  have 
been/  He  was  beheaded  over  the  trunk  of  a  tree. 
Then  Valderrabano  and  Botello  met  the  same  fate. 
The  wretched  old  murderer  was  close  to,  gloating 
over  it,  with  his  eye  between  the  canes  of  a  thin 
wall.  It  was  past  sunset.  The  people  came  to 
him  and  entreated  him  to  spare  Aguello,  who 
had  tried  to  send  the  warning.  He  rephed :  '  I 
would  sooner  die  than  spare  one  of  them." 

The  miscreant  was  never  punished.  The 
authorities  at  San  Domingo  protested  against  the 
outrage ;  but  Pedrarias  had  interest  at  Court. 
His  wife  was  a  niece  of  the  Countess  of  Amoyo, 
a  powerful  lady  ;  so  the  crime  was  condoned,  and 
the  subsequent  residencia  of  Pedrarias  was  a  farce. 

The  death  of  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  was  one 
of  the  greatest  calamities  that  could  have  happened 
to  South  America  at  that  time.  He  had  collected 
his  Httle  fleet  in  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel,  and  was 
about  to  sail  into  the  unknown  ocean  which  he  had 
discovered.  The  conquest  of  Peru  would  have  been 
a  very  different  story  from  that  which  is  inter- 
woven with  the  ill-omened  name  of  Pizarro.  For 
Vasco  Nunez  was  a  very  different  man.  He  had 
the  true  genius  of  a  statesman  and  a  warrior,  was  as 
humane  and  judicious  as  he  was  firm  of  purpose 


78  THE  GOOD  WORK  UNDONE 

and  indomitable  of  will.  His  death  took  place  in 
1517,  aged  forty-two. 

THe  rest  of  the  story  is  sad  enough.  Pedrarias 
and  his  followers  thought  of  nothing  but  seizing 
the  natives  to  sell  as  slaves.  Those  who  resisted 
were  mutilated  or  burnt.  The  Spanish  camp 
was  disorganised  and  dissolute.  Pedrarias  himself 
was  an  inveterate  gambler.  His  captains  followed 
his  example.  They  gambled  for  slaves.  All  the 
good  work  of  Vasco  Nunez  was  undone.  '  In  a 
short  time  neither  chiefs  nor  Indians  were  to  be 
found  in  all  the  land/  says  an  actor  in  these 
scenes  of  horror. 

Pedrarias  crossed  the  isthmus  in  1519,  em- 
barked with  his  followers  in  the  ships  of  Vasco 
Nunez,  and  sailed  along  the  coast  to  Taboga, 
eventually  founding  the  city  of  Panama  in  1519. 
All  the  inhabitants  of  Santa  Maria  in  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba  were  forced  to  remove  to  the  new  settlement. 
There  was  great  loss  and  a  frightful  expenditure 
of  human  hfe,  through  mismanagement  and  in- 
capacity. In  the  end  of  1519,  Diego  Alvites,  a 
more  humane  man  than  any  of  the  other  followers 
of  Pedrarias,  founded  Nombre  de  Dios  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  isthmus.  The  site  was  so  unhealthy 
that  the  town  was  abandoned  and  a  settlement 


PANAMA.    DARIEN  INDIANS  79 

was  formed  further  west,  in  the  time  of  PhiUp  II, 
and  called  Porto  Bello,  a  mule  track  being  made 
thence  to  Panama. 

An  expedition  was  dispatched  from  Panama 
under  Hernando  de  Cordova^who  discovered  and 
conquered  Nicaragua,  founding  the  city  of  Leon 
as  its  capital.  Pedrarias  followed  him  to  Leon, 
and  beheaded  this  subordinate,  the  discoverer  of 
Nicaragua,  of  whom  he  had  become  jealous.  At 
last  a  new  governor  was  sent  to  Panama,  in  the 
person  of  Pedro  de  los  KioSj.  in  1526.  Pedrarias 
remained  in  Nicaragua,  and  died  at  Leon  in  1530. 

Panama,  in  future  years,  was  ruled  by  an 
Audiencia,  or  High  Court  with  the  President  in 
charge  of  the  executive  government. 

The  survivors  of  the  natives  of  the  isthmus 
retreated  further  south  into  Darien,  and,  with 
great  bravery  and  determination,  have  retained 
their  independence^  down  to  the  present  day. 


CHAPTEE  VIII 

SETTLEMENTS   ON  THE  COAST 

Like  the  discovery  of  the  coast,  the  first  settle- 
ment was  made  by  the  same  humane  and  good 
man  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas.  He  was  settled  in 
San  Domingo  and  fitted  out  his  expedition  there. 
The  Spanish  Government  had  conceded  to  him 
the  right  to  build  a  fort  and  form  a  settlement 
on  any  part  of  the  coast  between  Cabo  de  la  Vela 
and  the  mouths  of  the  Magdalena  River.  He 
left  San  Domingo  with  four  vessels  in  July  1525, 
and  sailed  across  to  the  Spanish  main,  anchoring 
off  S^nta  Mart|[a  and  landing  there.  He  con- 
tinued his  wise  pohcy  of  treating  the  natives  with\^ 
kindness  and  justice,  and  succeeded  in  making 
friendly  treaties  with  tribes  called  Gairas,  Tagangus, 
and  Dorsinos.  His  own  men  were  cutting  wood 
to  build  houses  at  the  new  settlement,  but  Bastidas 
would  not  allow  the  natives  to  be  forced  to  work. 
Bastidas  also  obtained  a  considerable  amount  of 
gold   which   he   refused   to   distribute   until   the 

80 


MURDER  OF  BASTIDAS  81 

expenses  connected  with  fitting  out  the  expe- 
dition had  been  repaid.  These  things  caused  great 
discontent,  as  the  natives  had  always  hitherto  been 
treated  as  slaves. 

A  plot  was  formed  to  murder  the  Governor, 
at  a  time  when  he  was  confined  to  his  bed  with 
a  fever.  The  ringleader  was  the  heutenant  of 
Bastidas,  named  Juan  de  Villafuerte.  The  villains 
broke  into  his  room,  stabbed  him  in  several  places, 
and  left  him  for  dead.  But  he  was  still  ahve  and, 
caUing  out  for  help,  one  of  his  captains,  named 
Rodrigo  Palomino^.,  came  to  his  assistance.  The 
other  settlers  were  indignant,  and  the  murderers 
had  to  take  refuge  in  the  surrounding  forests. 
Most  of  them  were  eventually  captured  and  sent 
to  San  Domingo  where  they  met  with  the  fate  they 
deserved.  The  unfortunate  Governor  appointed 
Palomino  as  his  successor,  and  proceeded  to  San 
Domingo  to  be  cured  of  his  wounds.  They  got 
worse  during  the  voyage,  and  Bastidas  died  on 
his  arrival  at  Cuba,  the  victim  of  his  own  humanity 
and  love  of  justice.  His  memory  deserves  to  be 
preserved,  for  it  is  the  fashion  to  denounce  all  the 
Spanish  *  Conquistadores '  as  cruel  and  ruthless 
oppressors.  This  was  not  so.  Much  of  what  was 
done  was  due  to  the  age,  and  not  to  anything 


82  PALOMINO  AT  SANTA  MAKTHA 

specially  bad  in  the  Spanish  character.  There 
were  revolting  barbarities,  and  the  thirst  for  gold 
seemed  to  turn  men  into  fiends.  But  there  were 
some  *  Conquistadores/  indeed  not  a  few,  who 
belonged  to  the  type  of  the  good  and  true  knight, 
Eodrigo  de  Bastidas. 

Eodrigo  Palomino,  the  successor  of  Bastidas 
as  Governor  of  Santa  Martjia,  was  a  bold  and  re- 
sourceful captain,  but  if  he  ever  treated  the  natives 
with  any  forbearance  it  was  from  pohcy  and  not 
from  any  higher  motive.  His  plan  was  to  behave 
fairly  well  to  the  tribes  in  the  immediate  neighbour- 
hood, in  order  that  they  might  continue  to  bring 
in  provisions,  and  to  plunder  and  enslave  those  at 
a  distance.  He  was  a  good  leader,  and  the  wild 
spirits  he  was  associated  with  became  attached  to 
him. 

In  pursuance  of  his  poUcy  Palomino  made 
raids  into  the  countries  of  the  more  distant  tribes, 
despoihng  them  of  all  their  property  and  taking 
many  to  be  sold  as  slaves  at  San  Domingo.  Mean- 
while Santa  MartHa  was  frequented  by  vessels, 
supphes  of  all  kinds  arrived,  houses  were  built, 
and  the  place  began  to  assume  the  appearance 
of  a  town,  while  corn  and  seeds  of  vegetables  were 
sown  in  the  adjacent  lands. 


PALOMINO  AND  VADILLO  83 

But  the  neighbourhood  began  to  be  exhausted 
of  suppHes,  and  Palomino  felt  obHged  to  undertake 
a  more  distant  foray.  He  invaded  the  rugged 
mountains  of  Bonda  to  the  south,  a  country  so 
wild  and  difficult  that  horses  could  not  be  taken. 
Here  the  brave  defenders  of  their  homes  had  an 
advantage.  They  knew  the  country  and  could 
oppose  the  advance  of  their  enemies  at  every  turn, 
and  select  their  own  position  for  resistance.  The 
Spaniards  were  defeated  and  fled  back  to  Santa 
MartJ^a,  followed  into  the  plain  by  the  victorious 
mountaineers. 

On  hearing  of  the  death  of  Bastidas,  the  Eoyal 
Audience  ^  of  San  Domingo  appointed  Pedro  Vadillo 
to  succeed  him  as  Governor  of  Santa  Martha. 
His  lieutenant  was  Pedro^de  Heredia,  and  he 
took  with  him  a  force  of  200  men.  But  Palomino 
refused  to  give  up  charge  or  to  let  Vadillo  land, 
maintaining  that  he,  as  Heutenant  to  Bastidas, 
was  his  legitimate  successor.  VadiUo  then  landed 
further  up  the  coast,  and  began  to  construct  a  fort, 
which  Palomino  intended  to  attack.  A  priest 
intervened,  and  it  was  agreed  that  Palomino  and 
Vadillo  should  be  joint  Governors  until  a  decision 
arrived   from    the    Court    of    Spain.      The    two 

^  High  Court  of  Justice  with  some  executive  powers. 

o  2 


84  ATROCITIES  OF  VADILLO 

marauders  continued  their  attacks  on  the  natives. 
Their  first  combined  raid  was  on  a  well-peopled 
slope  of  the  mountains  near  the  source  of  the 
Cienaga,  inhabited  by  a  branch  of  the  Tairona 
tribe.  The  Spaniards  were  repulsed  with  loss. 
Next  they  set  out  to  pillage  a  populous  country 
up  the  coast,  called  La  Ramada.  The  people  had 
been  most  hospitable  to  the  Spaniards  and  had 
given  them  gold  without  payment.  Vadillo 
marched  with  300  foot  and  seventy  horse,  arriving 
unopposed.  Palomino  followed  with  an  escort, 
but  in  crossing  a  river  his  horse  sHpped  and  fell. 
Palomino  was  carried  down  by  the  current  and 
his  body  was  never  found.  Having  devastated 
La  Eamada,  Vadillo  went  on  to  the  valley  of  Upar, 
converting  a  fertile  land  and  happy  people  into 
desolation  and  mourning.  The  same  fate  befell 
the  dwellers  in  the  valley  of  Eupari.  Returning 
to  Santa  Martha  he  began  to  imprison,  torture, 
and  kill  the  followers  of  Palomino.  His  conduct 
became  known,  and  it  was  resolved  to  supersede 
him.  Garcia  de  Lerma  was  selected  as  the  new 
Governor  of  Santa  Martha,  and  he  sent  an  officer, 
the  FactoT-firajeda,  in  advance,  to  examine  into 
Vadillo's  conduct.  This  judge  lost  no  time.  As 
soon  as  he  arrived  he  imprisoned  the  disgraced 


FIRST  VOYAGE  UP  THE  MAGDALENA  85 

Governor  and  began  to  torture  him.  This 
was  stopped  on  the  arrival  of  Garcia  de  Lerma, 
and  Vadillo  was  sent  to  be  tried  in  Spain.  But 
his  ship  was  wrecked,  and  the  cruel  wretch  was 
drowned. 

The  new  Governor  improved  the  state  of  affairs, 
built  houses  and  a  church,  and  a  masonry  house 
for  himself.  He  caused  several  raids  to  be  made 
into  the  mountains  in  search  of  provisions  and 
gold.  But  his  chief  service  was  the  dispatch  of 
expeditions  to  explore  the  Magdalena.  He  em-*^ 
ployed  a  Portuguese,  named  Melo,  who  went  as  far 
as  Malambo,  and  on  his  return  submitted  a  plan 
for  further  exploration,  but  he  died.  Another 
party,  with  boats,  got  up  the  river  as  far  as  the 
junction  with  the  Cauca,  and  then  went  up  the 
Cauca  for  some  distance.  But  they  suffered  so 
much  from  insects  and  the  heat  that  they  returned 
to  Santa  Martha  in  1532.  They  found  that  Lerma 
was  dead,  and  the  Oidor  Infante  was  in  temporary 
charge.  Ref^timientos  of  natives  had  been  granted 
to  various  adventurers  whose  only  thought  was 
plunder,  and  every  sort  of  outrage  was  being  com- 
mitted, totally  regardless  of  the  humane  orders 
and  instructions  of  the  Spanish  Government. 
Thus  a  settlement  was  estabhshed  at  Santa  Martha, 


86  HEREDIA  FOUNDS  CARTAGENA 

such  as  it  was,  whence  the  chief  danger  to  the 
Chibchas  was  fated  to  come. 

Pedro  de  Heredia,  who  had  served  under 
Vadillo  at  Santa  Martha,  had  returned  to  Spain 
and  obtained  a  concession  on  the  coast  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Magdalena  to  the  Gulf  of  Uraba. 
Heredia  was  a  native  of  Madrid, 'and  had  led  a 
wild  Hfe  in  his  youth.  He  got  his  nose  sht  by  some 
roysterers  in  a  street  brawl,  and  the  revenge  he 
took  being  of  a  decidedly  illegal  character,  he 
fled  to  San  Domingo  where  he  inherited  an 
estate  from  a  relative,  and  on  his  return  to  Spain 
his  escapades  were  forgotten,  and  he  found  no 
hindrance  in  fitting  out  his  expedition.  He 
appointed  Francisco  Cesar,  an  able  colleague,  as 
his  heutenant,  anS  was  well  supphed  with  imple- 
ments, tools,  arms  and  ammunition,  clothing,  and 
provisions.  Leaving  Cadiz  in  1532,  and  touching 
at  Puerto  Kico,  he  obtained  many  recruits  at  San 
Domingo  as  an  addition  to  his  original  150  men, 
and  forty-seven  horses,  of  which  twenty-five 
died  on  the  voyage.  His  goal  was  the  harbour 
of  Cartagena,  so  named  by  Bastidas,  where 
he  arrived  on  January  14,  1533.  This  was 
the  second  settlement  estabhshed  on  the  coast. 
Heredia    landed^  with     fifty    foot    and    twenty 


CAETAGENA  87 

horse,  and  he  was  accompanied  by  a  native  of 
Zamba,  named  Catahna,  a  girl  who  had  been 
carried  off  to  San  Domingo,  where  she  learnt 
Spanish,  so  that  she  could  act  as  an  interpreter. 
A  place  called  Calamar  was  selected  for  the  site 
of  the  city  of  Cartagena.  Regidores  or  magis- 
trates were  appointed,  and  a  municipahty  was 
estabhshed.  Heredia  made  peace  with  the  neigh- 
bouring chiefs,  so  as  to  secure  supphes  for  the  new 
city.  At  this  period,  whether  from  pohcy  or  any 
better  motive,  he  was  humane  and  concihatory  to 
the  natives.  In  his  very  first  expedition  he  came 
back  to  Cartagena  with  gold  amounting  to 
1,500,000  ducats,  including  a  figure  of  massive 
gold,  found  in  a  temple,  which  weighed  five 
arrohas.  He  had  reached  the  famous  cemeteries 
of  Zenu. 

Cartagena  progressed  rapidly,  and  in  January 
1534  Heredia  set  out  on  another  expedition  in 
search  of  gold,  with  his  brother  Alonso.  His 
heutenant  Cesar  also  made  an  important  discovery 
by  crossing  the  mountains  of  Abibe  and  entering 
the  Cauca  valley,  where  he  found  the  people 
numerous,  clothed,  and  in  good  houses. 

There  was  much  discontent  among  the  Spaniards, 
as  time  went  on,  from  the  behef  that  the  Governor 


88  THE  VELZEBS  AND  VENEZUELA 

had  concealed  a  great  deal  of  gold,  and  when  the 
Oidor  Vadillo  arrived  to  examine  into  the  state  of 
afiairs,  Heredia  and  his  brother  were  thrown 
into  prison.  They  were  sent  to  Spain  in  1538, 
where  they  were  exonerated  from  all  blame,  and 
the  Governor  Pedro  de  Heredia_  returned  to 
Cartagena  again  with  full  powers. 

The  two  settlements  of  Santa  Martha  and 
Cartagena  were  firmly  estabhshed  on  the  coast, 
creating  a  terrible  though  unknown  danger  to  the 
Chibchas  from  the  north.  Another  danger  was 
also  threatening  them  on  their  eastern  side. 

TheWelzers,  merchant  princes  of  Augsburg, 
made  a  contract  with  the  Government  of  Charles  V 
to  conquer  and  make  settlements  in  Venezuela. 
A  German,  named  Alfinger,  was  selected  by  the 
Velzers  as  Governor  of  the  new  colony,  and  he 
proceeded  to  Maracaibo  in  the  end  of  1530  with 
a  suitable  force.  The  western  hmit  of  his  jurisdic- 
tion was  the  Cabo  de  la  Vela.  He  found  that  the 
neighbourhood  of  Coro  was  too  barren  to  sustain 
a  permanent  colony,  so  he  set  out  on  an  expedition 
to  the  westward  in  search  of  more  fertile  lands. 
His  party  consisted  of  about  200  Spaniards  and 
hundreds  of  native  porters.  These  natives  were 
chained  together  in  a  long  hne,  each  man  having 


CRUELTY  OF  AI.FINGER  89 

a  ring  round  his  neck  attached  to  the  chain.  When 
one  of  the  unfortunate  prisoners  was  too  ill  or  too 
exhausted  to  go  on,  a  servant  of  Alfinger,  to  save 
time  in  unfastening,  cut  the  poor  creature's  head 
off,  and  so  let  his  body  drop  out. 

This  horrible  incident  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  cruelties  belonged  to  a  cruel  age,  and 
not  specially  to  the  Spanish  character.    For  this 
leader  was  a  German.    The  Spaniards  were  often 
very  cruel  in  their  eager  thirst  of  gold,  burning 
and    torturing    the    natives.     They    perpetrated   Pf^i^ 
these  atrocities  when  excited  by  a  violent  though  Y^^ 
base    passion.       But    for     cold-blooded     callous    a^^A 
brutaUty   there   is   nothing    equal    to    Alfinger's     Sm^ 
method  of  clearing  his  chain.  f^^t&x 

Alfinger  reached  the  Magdalena  by  following  "^  ^ 
down  the  Eiver  Cesar  to  its  confluence,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  collecting  60,000  pesos  of  gold.  Ascending 
the  Sierra  de  Cachiri,  many  Spaniards  without  warm 
clothing  and  300  naked  porters  died  of  the  cold. 
The  natives  made  constant  attacks,  and  one  is 
glad  to  know  that  in  one  of  the  encounters  Alfinger's 
servant,  who  cut  off  the  heads,  met  with  his  deserts. 
Soon  afterwards  Alfinger  himself  was  wounded 
in  the  throat  and  died  after  three  days.  The 
retreat  was  most  disastrous  ;  many  died  of  hunger, 


90  GEORGE  OF  SPIRES 

others  were  reduced  to  eating  the  flesh  of  the 
native  porters.  The  remnant  reached  the  banks 
of  a  river  which  they  could  not  cross.  Seeing 
some  canoes  coming  down  with  provisions,  they 
made  piteous  signs  for  help.  The  natives  in  the 
canoes,  moved  by  compassion,  came  to  them  and 
gave  them  food.  The  wretches  stabbed  the  man 
who  was  landing  provisions  for  them,  and  seized 
the  canoe.  After  three  years  the  survivors  reached 
Coro. 

The  next  German  Governor  of  Venezuela  was 
George_of  Spires,  who  expected  to  find  populous 
cities  and  fertile  cultivated  lands  in  the  dense 
forest  of  the  Amazonian  basin.  He  set  out  from 
Coro  with  300  foot  and  100  horse,  and  after  waiting 
several  months  for  the  inundations  to  subside, 
he  directed  his  march  to  the  south.  In  the  second 
rainy  season  he  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the 
Opia.  The  lofty  mountains,  the  land  of  the  Chib- 
chas,  were  in  sight  to  the  westward,  but  luckily 
the  idea  of  George  of  Spires  was  to  find  a  new 
Peru  to  the  south,  so  this  danger  was  averted. 
They  pushed  onwards,  suffering  terribly  from  hard- 
ships of  every  kind  until  August  1536,  when  they 
thought  they  had  got  definite  news  of  a  rich  country 
to  the  south.     It  was  quite  illusory,  and  at  length, 


FEDEEMAN  91 

decimated  by  fevers,  attacks  of  natives  and  of 
jaguars,  the  intrepid  German  explorer  resolved 
to  return,  reaching  Coro  in  May  1538.  George 
of  Spires  was  an  upright  honourable  knight,  and 
he  died  while  still  Governor  of  Venezuela  in  1545. 


Another  German,  named  Ilgderman,  who  was 
lieutenant  to  George  of  Spires,  was  equipped  to 
undertake  another  expedition.  He  was  a  brave 
and  expert  commander  beloved  by  his  men,  and 
humane  in  his  treatment  of  the  natives.  He  set 
out  with  about  200  men,  reached  the  river  Meta, 
and  eventually  approached  the  land  of  the  Chibchas 
from  the^ast. 

The  Chibcha  people  were  in  complete  ignorance 
of  the  dangers  which  were  gradually  surrounding 
them.  There  was  great  danger  in  the  formation 
of  the  settlements  at  Santa  Martha  and  Cartagena, 
from  the  certainty  that,  sooner  or  later,  the  ruth- 
less invaders  would  extend  their  incursions  further 
to  the  south.  There  was  danger  from  the  colony 
of  the  Velzers  to  the  east.  Clouds  also  were 
gathering  to  the  west  and  to  the  south.  But 
the  final  doom  came  upon  them  as  a  bolt  from 
the  blue. 


CHAPTER  IX 

DARK  CLOUDS  GATHERING  TO  THE  SOUTH  AND  WEST 

The  doom  of  the  Chibcha  civilisation  was  closing 
round  the  unfortunate  people.  We  have  seen 
the  two  threatening  settlements  formed  on  the 
northern  coast  whence  the  crushing  blow  was 
to  come.  We  have  seen  how  the  Spaniards,  led 
by  the  Velzer  Germans,  had  actually  been  in 
sight  of  the  Chibcha  mountains  to  the  east.  Black 
clouds  were  also  gathering  fast  to  the  south  and 
west.  The  story  of  the  discovery  of  the  Cauca 
valley  and  the  loftier  plateaux  near  its  sources  is 
rather  compHcated,  and  it  will  be  well  to  tell  it 
briefly  in  this  place,  though  it  overlaps  and  goes 
beyond  the  period  of  the  Chibcha  conquest  or, 
rather,  cataclysm. 

We  must  picture  to  ourselves  a  very  muddy 
road  near  a  village  on  the  borders  of  Estremadura 
and  Andalusia  in  the  south  of  Spain,  where  an 
ill-conditioned  young  ruffian  is  brutally  maltreating 
a  donkey,  which  could  not  get  as  fast  as  the  savage 

92 


SEBASTIAN  DE  BELALCAZAR  93 

lad  wanted  through  the  deep  mire  of  a  country 
lane.  He  ended  by  kilKng  the  poor  beast.  This 
is  the  type  of  a  *  Conquistador/  cruel,  pitiless, 
much  enduring,  and  capable.  The  future  '  Con- 
quistador '  was  afraid  to  go  home  after  what  he 
had  done.  For  it  was  the  family  donkey,  and  his 
father  was  a  very  poor  peasant.  He  ran  away 
to  Seville.  At  that  time  Pedrarias  was  preparing 
his  great  expedition  to  the  isthmus.  The  young 
ruffian  offered  himself  as  a  soljii^r,  a  hkely  looking 
lad  enough  so  far  as  personal  strength  was  con- 
cerned. When  asked  for  an  account  of  himself 
he  only  knew  his  Christian  name,  which  was 
Sebastian,!  and  that  he  came  from  a  village  called 
Belalcazar.  So  they  enUsted  him,  gave  him  the 
name  of  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar,  and  he  sailed 
for  the  New  World. 

Young  Sebastian  displayed  remarkable  sagacity 
in  getting  Pedrarias  out  of  a  serious  difficulty  on 
an  occasion  when  he  was  lost  in  the  Darien  forests. 
From  that  time  his  fortune  was  made.  Pedrarias 
gave  him  a  command  in  an  expedition  to  Nicaragua, 
and  he  took  part  in  the  founding  of  Leon.  He 
joined  the  expedition  of  Pizarro  to  Peru,  who  left 
him  in  command  at  San  Miguel  de  Piura.    His 

^  His  father's  name  is  believed  to  have  been  Moyano. 


94  POPAYAN  founded 

next  service  was  the  conquest  of  Quito,  under- 
taken under  orders  from  Pizarro  and  ably  carried 
out  with  140  well  armed  men.  He  remained 
there  for  some  time  as  Pizarro 's  Heutenant.  But 
his  ambition  was  great.  He  was  incapable  of 
gratitude  or  fidehty,  and  he  conceived  the  idea  of 
carving  out  a  dominion  for  himself.  Resolving 
upon  an  advance  to  the  north,  he  sent  some  of 
his  captains  before  him.  In  1536  he  discovered 
the  plateaux  of  Pasto^and  Popayan.  The  natives 
defended  their  country  with  desperation ;  horrible 
cruelties  were  perpetrated  on  them,  and  at  last 
their  resistance  was  crushed.  Many  fled  to  the 
mountains,  and  vasts  tracts  of  land  were  left 
uncultivated.  The  city  of  Popayan  was  founded 
by  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar  in  1536,  in  an  excellent 
and  healthy  situation  on  a  high  tableland.  From 
this  centre  the  invader  made  incursions  in  various 
directions.  In  his  raid  to  the  north-east,  along 
the  head  waters  of  the  Magdalena,  he  was  in  sight 
of  Suma  Paz,  the  lofty  mountains  south  of  Bogota. 
He  also  extended  his  devastating  incursions  down 
the  valley  of  the  Cauca,  and  founded  the  city  of 
Cali.  The  natives  fought  desperately,  and  they 
refused  to  sow  their  crops,  so  that  famine  ensued 
and  vast  tracts  of  once  cultivated  land  remained 


ALDANA  AT  POPAYAN  95 

waste.  The  native  populations  of  the  locahties 
conquered  by  this  ruthless  invader  were  nearly 
exterminated.  Satisfied  with  his  work,  Sebastian 
de  Belalcazar  set  out  for  Spain  in  1539,  with  the 
object  of  obtaining  a  concession  of  Popayan  and 
the  valley  of  the  Cauca,  as  a  Governor  independent 
of  Pizarro. 

After  his  conquests  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar 
ceased  to  correspond  with  or  acknowledge  his 
chief  to  whom  he  owed  his  position — a  debt  of 
gratitude  he  entirely  ignored.  Pizarro  sent  an 
officer  he  could  thoroughly  trust,  named  Lorenzo 
de  Aldana,  to  arrest  the  recalcitrant  Belalcazar 
and  assume  command.  Aldana  was  a  knight  of  the 
highest  character,  and  one  of  the  few  who,  hke 
Bastidas,  never  allowed  the  natives  to  be  treated 
with  cruelty  or  injustice.  He  marched  from 
Quito  to  Popayan,  founding  the  city  of  Pasto  on 
his  way.  At  Popayan  he  found  that  Belalcazar 
had  departed,  and  that  the  Spanish  inhabitants 
were  threatened  with  famine.  He  therefore 
hurried  down  the  Cauca  valley  as  far  as  Cali,  and 
with  difficulty  made  arrangements  for  suppHes 
of  provisions  to  be  sent  to  Popayan. 

It  is  now  n^bessary  to  turn  our  attention  to 
the  proceedingaion  the  coast,  for  it  was  from  there 


96  EXPEDITION  OF  VADILLO 

that  the  whole  length  of  the  Cauca  valley  was 
discovered. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Juez  de  Residencia 
Vadillo  came  out  to  Cartagena  to  examine  the 
accounts  and  proceedings  of  the  Governor  Heredia, 
that  he  threw  him  into  prison,  sent  him  to  Spain 
for  trial,  and  seized  his  treasure.  Vadillo's  robberies 
and  conduct  generally  were  so  outrageous  that  the 
Licentiate  Santa  Cruz  was  sent  out  as  Juez  de 
Residencia  to  examine  into  his  conduct.  On 
hearing  this  Vadillo^s  guilty  conscience  filled  him 
with  apprehension  for  his  own  safety.  He  was 
a  man  of  considerable  energy  and  abiUty,  and 
he  determined  to  leave  Cartagena,  organise  an 
expedition,  and  undertake  some  great  discovery. 
He  persuaded  Heredia^s  lieutenant,  Francisco 
Cesar,  a  splendid  explorer  and  efficient  officer,  to 
go  with  him.i  There  was  also  with  him  a  most 
intelligent  young  lad,  a  native  of  Llerena  in 
Estremadura,  named  Pedro  de  Cieza  de  Leon. 
He  was  only  nineteen,  yet,  while  diligently 
attending    to    his   duties    as   a   sohder,    he    used 

^  He  had  been  with  Sebastian  Cabot  in  his  voyage  to  the  River 
Plate,  and  joined  Heredia  at  Puerto  Rico.  He  had  already  headed 
an  expedition  which  crossed  the  Abibe  Mountains,  and  reached  the 
valley  ruled  by  the  chief  Nutibara,  taking  40,000  ducats'  worth  of 
gold  from  the  tombs. 


EXPEDITION  OF  VADILLO  97 

his  spare  time  in  recording  the  events  of  the 
expedition.! 

Vadillo  started  from  San  Sebastian  de  Uraba  in 
1538  with  all  the  force  he  could  get  together  and  some 
horses,  and,  under  the  guidance  of  Cesar,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  scale  the  Abibe  Mountains.  These  heights 
were  covered  with  dense  forest,  the  only  paths  being 
in  the  tortuous  beds  of  mountain  torrents.  It  was 
difficult  enough  for  the  men  to  make  their  way  up 
"the  mountains  and  down  the  steep  dechvities  on  the 
other  side,  and  almost  impossible  for  horses.  At 
length  they  reached  a  vast  extent  of  fertile  country 
governed  by  a  warhke  chief  named  Nutibara. 

Cesar  was  not  without  experience  of  this  brave 
defender  of  the  homes  of  his  people.  During  his 
former  raid  the  army  of  Nutibara,  under  the 
mihtary  direction  of  his  brother  Quinunchu,  en- 
countered the  Spaniards  and  there  was  an  obstinate 
battle.  The  chief  was  present  in  person,  carried 
on  a  Htter  richly  inlaid  with  gold.  The  Spaniards 
were  hard  pressed,  and  would  have  been  defeated 
if  it  had  not  been  for  the  death  of  the  opposing 
general.     The  natives  then  retreated.     There  was 

^  See  my  translation  of  the  travels  of  Pedro  de  CJieza  de  Leon 
contained  in  the  first  part  of  his  Chronicle  of  Peru  (An vers,  I554)» 
printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1864. 

H 


98  EXPEDITION  OF  VADILLO 

a  very  pathetic  scene.  The  great  chief,  Nutibara, 
always  reverently  carried  in  a  htter,  sprang  out  of 
it  and  caused  his  brother's  body  to  be  put  there 
in  his  place.  The  retreating  host  marched  in  a 
long  hne  over  the  hills,  and  Nutibara  was  seen  for 
miles,  running  by  the  side  of  the  htter,  mourning 
for  his  beloved  friend  and  brother. 

When  Vadillo  reached  the  territory  of  Nutibara 
in  the  following  year,  the  subjects  of  that  great 
chief  were  equally  hostile.  Nutibara  constructed 
a  fortress  on  a  height  unapproachable  by  cavalry. 
The  Spaniards  assaulted  the  place.  They  were 
not  only  repulsed,  but  entirely  defeated  and  put 
to  flight.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  skill  and 
valour  of  Cesar  in  defending  a  narrow  place  with 
a  rear  guard,  there  would  have  been  a  fatal  disaster. 

Nutibara  was  victorious,  and  Vadillo  continued 
his  march  without  again  venturing  to  attack  him. 
The  next  valley  they  reached  was  called  Nori, 
where  the  natives  defended  their  homes  with  the 
same  valour  and  persistence.  The  chief,  however, 
named  Nabuco,  to  get  rid  of  the  invaders,  presented 
them  with  some  gold,  and  assured  them  that  they 
would  find  much  more  in  the  next  province  to  the 
south,  called  Buritica.  The  march  was  through 
dense  forest,  and  on  reaching  the  place  it  was 


DEATH  OF  CESAK  99 

found  that  the  people  were  entrenched  on  an 
ahnost  inaccessible  height  which  was  promptly- 
assaulted  and  carried,  the  Buritica  chief  and  his 
family  being  found  there  with  some  gold  ornaments. 
The  chief  would  not  disclose  the  sources  of  his 
wealth,  so  the  savage  Vadillo  burnt  him  alive. 
He  had  nobly  surrendered  himself  as  ransom  for 
a  young  wife  who  had  been  captured,  and  his  cruel 
death  horrified  even  the  hardened  followers  of  the 
fugitive  Juez  de  Residencia, 

Vadillo  soon  afterwards  reached  the  banks  of  the 
great  Kiver  Cauca.  His  followers  were  threatened 
with  hunger  in  their  painful  struggle  through  the 
dense  forest ;  but  at  length  they  reached  a  well- 
cultivated  valley,  called  Iraca.  The  inhabitants 
fled  to  the  mountains ;  but  abundant  supphes  were 
found,  and  the  explorers  rested,  as  many  were 
sick  and  unable  to  march.  When  they  again  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Cauca  valley  they  were  constantly 
harassed  by  the  natives.  Keaching  a  place  called 
Cori,  it  was  there  that  the  gallant  Cesar,  worn  out 
with  fatigue  and  illness,  departed  this  hfe.  '  Cesar 
certainly  showed  himself  to  be  worthy  of  so  great 
a  name."  This  is  a  grand  epitaph,  written  by  a 
comrade  in  arms.  The  men  of  Vadillo's  expedition 
were  in  despair  at  the  loss  of  so  able  a  leader  in 


100         DISCOVERY  OF  THE  CAUCA  VALLEY 

whom  they  placed  all  their  confidence.  They 
clamoured  to  be  allowed  to  retm:n,  dreading  the 
dangers  of  an  advance  without  a  competent  leader. 
Vadillo  was  furious,  and  refused  to  hsten  for  a 
moment.  He  was  a  fugitive  from  justice,  and 
knew  that  only  a  prison  awaited  him  on  his  return. 
UnwilUngly,  the  sorely  tried  men  continued  their 
march  until  at  length  they  arrived  at  Cah,  where 
Belalcazar  had  formed  a  settlement  and  founded 
a  town.  They  were  reduced  to  half  their  number 
and  the  survivors  mutinied,  positively  refusing  any 
longer  to  follow  Vadillo.  He  went  on,  almost  alone, 
to  Popayan.  There  the  Governor,  Aldana,  sent  him 
by  Quito  to  the  Port  of  Payta,  whence  he  returned 
to  Spain.  His  lawsuit  lasted  for  his  Ufetime.  He 
died  in  poverty  at  Seville  before  it  was  concluded. 
Vadillo  had  madj  a  very  important  discovery. 
The  valley  of  the  Cauca  is  420  miles  long,  con- 
taining many  rich  and  fertile  districts,  and  the 
best  gold-mines  in  the  whole  region.  Aldana 
saw  its  importance,  and  resolved  to  send  an  expe- 
dition down  the  valley  to  form  settlements  and 
occupy  the  country.  He  selected  for  this  duty  an 
officer  named  Jorge  Robledo,  who  had  been  a 
follower  of  Belalcazar.  Aldana  impressed  upon 
him  the  duty  of  treating  the  natives  with  kindness 


EXPEDITION  OF  KOBLEDO  101 

and  justice,  and  dismissed  him  with  a  well-equipped 
force  to  occupy  the  extensive  region  discovered 
by  Vadillo.  Meanwhile,  Vadillo's  Juez  de  Resi- 
dencia — the  Licentiate  Santa  Cruz — had  arrived  at 
Cartagena,  and  immediately  sent  two  oJSicers  up 
the  Cauca  valley  with  a  small  force  to  arrest  the 
fugitive  from  justice.  They  were  too  late ;  but 
they  joined  Eobledo's  party,  as  did  the  survivors 
of  Vadillo's  expedition. 

Robledo  founded  Anzerma,  and  in  the  end  of 
1539  he  fought  a  desperate  battle  with  the  tribe  of 
Pozos.  He  was  victorious,  and  perpetrated  the  most 
atrocious  cruelties  on  the  vanquished,  massacring 
women  and  children  and  burning  their  houses, 
in  total  disregard  of  the  humane  instructions  of 
Aldana.  These  tribes  of  the  Cauca  valley  were 
tenacious  defenders  of  their  homes  and  very  war- 
hke.  On  very  important  occasions  they  had  a 
custom  of  eating  their  prisoners.  ^This  cannot  be 
doubted  when  so  rehable  an  authority  as  Cieza  de 
Leon  was  an  eyewitness.  They  also  adorned  the 
outsides  of  their  houses  with  the  heads  of  their 
enemies.  But  they  consisted  of  tall,  well-developed, 
feave  men  and  fair  women,  who  were  cultivators, 
miners,  and  weavers.  With  proper  treatment  they 
might  easily  have  been  civiHsed. 


102  ANTIOQUIA  FOUNDED 

Early  in  1540,  Kobledo  founded  Cartago,  giving 
the  name  in  honour  of  those  followers  who  came 
from  Cartagena.  He  also  founded  Anzerma  and 
Arma.  .  In  1541,  he  was  in  the  fertile  vale  of 
Aburra  where  he  found  abundant  supphes ;  and 
towards  the  end  of  that  year  he  founded  the  city 
of  Antioguia  in  the  district  of  the  Buritica  gold- 
3»iaes,  forming  a  mining  estabhshment  on  the 
river  flowing  from  the  Buritica  Hill.  Robledo 
here  conceived  the  idea  of  going  to  Spain  wit£  a 
report  of  his  services,  and  obtaining  a  concession 
as  Governor  of  a  province  to  be  carved  out  of  the 
territories  of  Heredia  and  Belalcazar,  whose  boun- 
daries were  very  uncertain.  He  crossed  the  Abibe 
Mountains,  almost  alone  and  without  a  guide, 
and  arrived,  starving  and  almost  naked,  at  San 
Sebastian  de  Uraba.  Instead  of  being  treated 
hospitably,  he  was  thrown  into  prison  and  even- 
tually sent  to  Spain  under  arrest. ' 

The  ruthless  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar  had  been 
very  successful  in  his  negotiations  at  the  Court  of  ^ 
Spain.  He  obtained  the  rank  of  Adelantado, 
and  the  government  of  the  province  of  Popayan 
and  of  the  whole  valley  of  the  Cauca.  *  When  this 
news  reached  Popayan,  Lorenzo  de  .  Aldana 
retired  to  Quito.     That  excellent  governor  after- 


PASCUAL  DE  ANDAGOYA  103 

wards  took  an  important  part  in  the  afiairs  of 
Peru.  One  of  the  most  just  and  most  humane 
of  the  Spanish  '  Conquistadores/  Aldana's  name 
deserves  to  be  honoured  by  posterity.  By  his 
will  he  left  all  his  fortune  to  the  Indians  of  his 
encomienda  for  the  payment  of  their  tribute. 

In  the  end  of  1537,  Pascual  de  Andagoya — who 
had  served  on  the  isthmus  with  Pedrarias,  but  was 
then  in  Spain — received  a  concession  as  Governor  of '^ 
the  country  bordering  on  the  Pacific,  from  the  Gulf ^ 
of  San  Migual  to  the  River  of  San  Juan.  Leaving 
Toledo  in  1538,  Andagoya  enhsted  sixty  men,  and 
left  San  Lucar  with  them  early  in  1539.  At 
Panama  he  increased  his  numbers  to  200,  and 
sailed  for  his  government,  with  three  ships  and 
two  brigantines,  February  15.  Andagoya  dis- 
covered the  port  of  Buenaventura,  and  the 
town  was  founded,  under  his  direction,  by  Juan 
Ladrillo.  He  then  began  to  cross  the  forest-covered 
mountains  with  the  greater  part  of  his  force,  leaving 
fifty  men  with  his  ships.  The  natives  were  at  first 
inclined  to  be  hostile,  but  as  Andagoya  treated  them 
with  kindness  and  allowed  no  robbery,  they  soon 
became  friendly.  It  was  a  very  rugged  country 
through  which  he  had  to  make  his  way,  but  he  at 
length    reached    Cah.     He   proceeded   thence   to 


i04  DISASTERS  AT  TIMANA 

Popayan  and  assumed  the  government.  He  was 
undoubtedly  beyond  his  jurisdiction,  and  within 
that  of  Belalcazar ;  but  the  state  of  the  country 
fully  justified  the  course  he  took. 

After  the  departure  of  Aldana,  a  young  knight, 
named  Pedro  de  Anasco,  had  advanced  to  the 
eastward,  with  a  Captain  Osorio  as  his  companion, 
and  had  founded  the  town  of  Timana  at  the  sources 
of  the  Magdalena  River.  They  had  with  them  fifty 
Spaniards  and  some  horses.  They  were  closely 
besieged  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  surrounding 
country,  and  sent  to  Captain  Juan  de  Ampudia, 
who  was  in  charge  of  Popayan,  for  help.  That 
officer  assembled  sixty  men  and  marched  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Timana  ;  but  Osorio  and  Anasco  had 
managed  to  get  out,  and  were  making  their  way 
down  the  River  Paez  when  they  were  attacked  by 
the  Indians  and  killed  with  all  their  followers. 
Ampudia  was  encountered  by  the  Indian  besiegers. 
He  routed  them  three  times  on  three  successive 
days ;  but  on  the  fourth  he  was  killed,  his  men 
were  almost  all  slain  with  him,  and  the  victorious 
Indians  advanced  on  Popayan.  ^ 

This  was  the^.state  of  affairs  when  Andagoya 

^  See  my  translation  of  the  narrative  of  Pascual  de  Andagoya, 
written  by  himself  (Hakluyt  Society,  1865). 


BELALCAZAR'S  SEHVICE  IN  PERU  105 

arrived  at  Popayan.  The  Indians  were  repulsed, 
and  order  was  restored  in  the  immediate  neigh- 
bomrhood.  In  his  narrative,  Andagoya  gives  an 
interesting  account  of  the  country  and  people 
round  Popayan.  He  treated  the  natives  with 
kindness  and  induced  many  to  be  baptized. 

Meanwhile,  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar  left  Spain 
to  take  up  the  command  of  the  vast  territory  that 
had  been  conceded  to  him.  He  went  by  Panama 
to  Buenaventura,  and,  arriving  at  Popayan,  he 
arrested  Andagoya  and  sent  him  as  a  prisoner  to 
Spain.i 

The  position  of  Popayan  near  the  northern 
frontier  of  Peru  brought  Belalcazar  into  contact 
with  the  disturbances  among  the  conquerors  of 
that  country.  When  Vaca  de  Castro  arrived  at 
Popayan  on  his  way  to  examine  into  the  conduct 
of  afiairs  by  the  Marquis  Pizarro,  Belalcazar 
escorted  him  to  Quito  and  thence  to  Piura.  When 
the  unfortunate  Viceroy  Blasco  Nunez  de  Vela 
was  hunted  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  he  took  refuge 
at  Popayan,  and  Belalcazar  marched  with  him  to 

*  Pascual  de  Andagoya  was  an  able,  upright,  and  humane  man. 
Herrera  was  violently  prejudiced  against  him,  and  his  remarks  are 
untrue  and  unjust  where  Andagoya  is  concerned.  After  his  return 
to  Spain  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  President,  La  Gasca, 
went  out  with  him  to  Peru,  and  commanded  a  battalion  of  infantry 
at  Sacsahuana.     He  died  at  Cuzco  on  June  16,  1548. 


106  ANTIOQUIA  AND  MOMPOX 

Quito  to  attack  his  enemies.  They  were  defeated 
at  the  battle  of  Anaquito,  the  Viceroy  being  killed 
and  Belalcazar  wounded.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  allowed 
the  latter  to  return  to  his  government  at  Popayan. 
Again,  when  the  President,  La  Gasca,  was  marching 
against  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  he  called  upon  Belalcazar 
for  help,  who  compUed,  and  was  in  command  of 
the  cavalry  at  Sacsahuana,  returning  to  Popayan. 

Belalcazar  was  masterful  in  his  claims,  and 
soon  disputes  arose  respecting  boundaries  between 
the  Governor  of  Popayan  and  Pedro  de  Heredia, 
the  Governor  of  Cartagena.  The  bone  of  con- 
tention was  the  city  of  Antioquia,  founded  by 
Robledo.  Heredia  proceeded  to  the  place  and 
took  possession.  Belalcazar  sent  Juan  Cabrera, 
who  surprised  Heredia,  and  sent  him  a  prisoner 
to  Popayan,  but  Belalcazar  allowed  him  to  return 
to  Cartagena  by  way  of  Panama.  In  1544 
L-both  Santa  Martha  and  Cartagena  were  sacked 
by  French  pirates.  After  that  disaster  Heredia 
again  marched  to  occupy  Antioquia,  the  site 
of  which  had  been  altered  by  Cabrera.  Alonso 
Heredia,  the  brother  of  the  Governor,  had  founded 
the  town  of  Mompox,  at  an  important  point  near 
the  junction  of  the  Magdalena  and  Cauca,  in  1540. 

When    Heredia    returned    to     Cartagena,    he 


ROBLEDO'S  SECOND  EXPEDITION  107 

found  that  a  new  Juez  de  Residencia  had  arrived 
in  the  person  of  Miguel  Diaz  de  Armendariz,  who 
brought  with  him  the  new  laws,  sending  a  copy 
to  Belalcazar. 

Although  Jorge  Eobledo  was  sent  to  Spain  as 
a  prisoner,  he  managed  to  make  interest  at  Court, 
received  the  rank  of  Marshal,  and  a  concession  of 
territory  between  the  grants  of  Heredia  and  Belal- 
cazar. This  was  very  vague.  It  is  deplorable  to 
note  the  reckless  way  in  which  these  concessions 
were  granted,  in  total  ignorance  of  the  country  that 
was  being  cut  into  overlapping  shces.  Much  of  the 
trouble  in  the  colonies  arose  from  these  disputed 
frontiers.  The  new  Marshal  collected  a  small 
force,  was  joined  by  some  former  comrades,  in- 
cluding Cieza  de  Leon,  and  reached  Antioquia. 
He  then  advanced  up  the  Cauca  valley  with  about 
seventy  men.  The  towns  of  Anzerma  and  Cartago 
refused  to  receive  him.  But  he  pushed  on  to  Pozo 
and  formed  a  camp  there.  Belalcazar  was  at  CaH. 
He  made  a  forced  march  with  150  men,  and  sur- 
prised Robledo's  camp  on  the  night  of  October  1, 
1546.  The  Marshal  could  have  escaped,  but  he 
preferred  to  surrender  to  his  old  chief,  not  dreaming 
of  the  consequences. 

We  are  now  reminded  of  the  brutal  young 


108  DEATH  OP  BELALCAZAR 

ruffian  in  the  miry  lane  in  Estremadura.  Belal- 
cazar  must  have  had  some  personal  grudge  against 
the  unfortunate  Eobledo.  He  broke  out  into 
violent  abuse  and  declared  he  would  kill  him  by 
stranghng.  Robledo  entreated  that  at  least  he 
might  be  beheaded,  as  became  his  rank,  but  this 
was  refused.  He  was  hanged  on  October  5, 
with  five  of  his  officers.  The  bodies  were  buried 
in  a  hut  which  was  set  on  fire,  and  Belalcazar 
returned  to  CaU.  It  was  beUeved  that  the  Indians 
of  Pozo  dug  up  the  bodies  and  ate  them. 

Even  then  the  Nemesis  was  approaching.  The 
Juez  de  Residencia,  Briceno,  was  on  his  way  to 
Popayan.  It  is  surprising  what  imphcit  obedience 
was  paid  to  these  functionaries  even  by  the 
most  turbulent  and  masterful  pro-consuls.  Briceiio 
condemned  the  powerful  Governor  of  Popayan 
to  death  for  the  murder  of  Robledo.  Soon  after- 
wards the  judge  married  Dona  Maria  de  Carbajal, 
Robledo's  widow,  and  was  therefore  accused  of 
partiahty.  Yet  the  sentence  was  as  just  as  it  was 
bold.  Belalcazar  appealed  to  the  higher  court 
in  Spain,  and  sorrowfully  set  out  on  his  long 
journey.  He  arrived  at  Cartagena,  where  he  was 
hospitably  treated  by  Heredia,  and  there  he  died 
in  1550. 


DEATH  OF  HEREDIA  109 

There  can  be  no  question  of  the  remarkable 
abihty,  prowess,  and  strength  of  character  pos- 
sessed by  Sebastian  de  Belalcazar.  There  must, 
too,  have  been  some  good  in  him,  for  he  was  popular 
and  had  many  followers  who  were  devoted  to  him. 
But  the  boy  was  father  to  the  man.  Beginning 
with  the  crime  in  the  miry  lane  near  home,  he 
ended  with  the  crime  at  Pozo  which  concluded 
his  career.  His  savage  cruelty  to  the  natives, 
while  foohsh  as  a  question  of  poHcy,  was  evidence 
of  a  hard  and  callous  nature. 

Heredia  began  a  voyage  to  Spain  in  1554,  but 
never  arrived,  for  the  ship  in  which  he  had  em- 
barked was  wrecked  at  sea.  He  had  been  Governor 
of  Cartagena  for  twenty  years. 

The  events  related  in  this  chapter  overlap  the 
Chibcha  cataclysm  by  several  years.  Still,  the 
arrival  of  Belalcazar  at  Popayan  and  the  discovery 
of  the  Cau&a  valley  are  about  contemporary. 
With  their  frequent  markets,  and  commercial 
intercourse  with  neighbouring  tribes,  the  Chibchas 
had  probably  heard  rumours  about  the  ruthless 
strangers  gathering,  hke  threatening  clouds,  on 
their  southern  and  on  their  western  horizons. 


y.^ci^^ 


CHAPTER  X 

GONZALO    JIMENES    DE    QUESADA — CONQUEROR    OF 
THE    KINGDOM    OF    NEW    GRANADA 

GoNZALO  JiMENES  DE  QuESADA  was  the  destined 
destroyer  of  Chibcha  civilisation,  and  his  attempt 
to  record  its  history  is  lost  to  us.  His  family  seems 
to  have  come  from  Baeza  in  Andalusia,  in  the  days 
when  Moors  and  Christians  were  still  at  war.  But 
young  Gonzalo  himself  was  born  at  Cordova, 
in  the  ward  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Holy  Fountain, 
being  the  son  of  the  Licentiate,  Gonzalo  Jirmenes, 
and  of  Dona  Isabel  de  Quesada.  The  date  of  the 
child's  birth  must  have  nearly  coincided  with  that 
of  the  taking  of  Granada.  When  he  was  quite 
a  Httle  boy  his  parents  removed  to  Granada, 
where  his  father  was  an  advocate  in  the  law  courts ; 
so  that  all  his  reminiscences  in  after  hfe  were 
connected  with  the  Moorish  city  and  its  beautiful 
Vega.  He  was  educated  with  great  care  under 
his  father's  supervision,  studied  law,  and,  hke  his 
father,  he  became  an  advocate  in  the  High  Court 

110 


DE  LUGO  GOVEKNOR  OF  SANTA  MAETHA    111 

of  Justice  at  Granada.  He  was  practising  in  that 
Court  when  he  received  the  appointment  which 
took  him  to  the  New  World,  and  led  to  his  future 
career. 

The  Adelaiitadp,,  Eedro  Fernandezide  Lugo,  had, 
by  marriage,  become  hereditary  Governor  of  the 
Canary  Islands.  It  so  happened  that  one  of  the 
soldiers  of  Bastidas  came  to  the  Canaries,  and 
painted  the  riches  and  other  advantages  of  Santa 
Martha  in  glowing  colours.  The  news  of  the 
death  of  Garcia  de  Lerma,  the  Governor,  had  also 
come.i  So  the  Adelantado  resolved  to  send  his 
son,  Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo,  to  Spain  to  apply  for  a 
concession  of  the  government  of  Santa  Martha. 
Accordingly,  in  February  1535,  a  royal  order 
nominated  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Lugo  to  be  Governor 
and  Captain-General  of  the  province  of  Santa 
Martha,  with  succession  to  his  son.  The  Kiver 
Magdalena  was  to  be  the  boundary  between 
Cartagena  and  Santa  Martha.  The  greater  part 
of  the  year  1535  was  occupied  in  fitting  out  the 
expedition  at  Santa  Cruz  de  Teneriffe.  The  Ade- 
lantado's  son  was  appointed  his  Heutenant,  and 
the  appointment  of  chief  magistrate  was  offered 
to  and  accepted  by  the  yoxmg  barrister  at  Granada, 

1  See"p.  85. 


112  AFFAIRS  AT  SANTA  MARTHA 

Gonzalo  Jimenes  de  Quesada.  His  age  was  then 
thirty-six.  More  than  a  thousand  men  were  enhsted 
and  went  on  board  the  ships  of  the  Adelantado, 
and  the  expedition  left  Santa  Cruz  de  Teneriffe  on 
November  3,  1535,  and  anchored  ofi  Santa  Martha 
in  the  middle  of  December,  after  a  voyage  of 
forty  days. 

Santa  Martha,  in  those  days,  was  a  sorry  abode 
to  come  to,  after  the  charming  homes  at  Laguna 
and  Orotava.  The  hereditary  Governor  of  the 
Canary  Islands  had  made  a  poor  exchange.  There 
were  some  thatched  houses,  one  of  stone,  and  a 
wretched  church,  but  not  sufficient  accommoda- 
tion for  half  Lugo's  followers.  The  greater  part 
of  the  force  had  to  Uve  in  tents,  provisions  were 
scarce,  and  there  was  a  general  feehng  of  depres- 
sion. Then  an  epidemic  of  dysentry  broke  out. 
The  Adelantado  visited  the  sick,  and  gave  up  all 
his  own  stores  for  them,  hving  on  the  same  rations 
as  the  men. 

In  order  that  those  in  good  health  might  be 
employed,  and  to  collect  provisions  and,  if  possible, 
gold  to  pay  the  freight  of  the  ships,  an  expedition 
was  undertaken  in  the  direction  of  Bonda,  led  by 
Don  Pedro  Lugo  himself  and  guided  by  some 
officers  of  experience.    The  natives  had  chosen  a 


CONDUCT  OF  LUIS  DE  LUGO  113 

strong  position  and  gallantly  defended  it,  and 
when  it  was  carried  with  serious  loss  to  the  invaders 
the  defenders  took  up  another  equally  strong 
position  higher  up  the  mountain  side.  Nothing  was 
found  in  their  village.  The  Adelantado  returned  to 
Santa  Martha  with  the  wounded,  ordering  his  son  to 
continue  the  march  along  the  coast,  while  Captain 
Suarez  was  to  take  a  parallel  route  in  the  mountains. 
Suarez  met  with  desperate  resistance,  and  was 
obHged  to  come  down  to  the  plain  country  with 
thirty-eight  wounded,  and  join  Don  Luis  de  Lugo. 
The  two  raiders  succeeded  in  storming  a  strong- 
hold in  the  moimtains  of  Tairona,  after  a  stubborn 
resistance,  and  secured  gold  ornaments  to  the  value 
of  15,000  castellanos  de  oro.  Other  finds  of  gold 
were  made,  and  Luis  de  Lugo's  duty  was  to  return 
with  it  for  his  father  to  pay  the  freight  of  the  ships, 
and  to  distribute  the  rest  amongst  his  followers, 
reserving  the  royal  fifth.  But  the  infamous  thief 
was  tired  of  such  hard  work.  He  signalled  to  a 
passing  ship,  and  went  on  board  with  all  the  gold, 
intending  to  steal  it  and  to  return  to  Spain,  leaving 
his  father  in  the  greatest  difficulty  and  embarrass- 
ment. A  vessel  was  sent  in  pursuit,  with  an 
officer  who  represented  the  theft  in  Spain.  Luis  de 
Lugo  was  imprisoned ;  but  his  impudent  assurance 


114  JIMENES  DE  QUESADA 

and  lies,  coupled  with  interest  at  Court,  secured 
his  release  after  a  short  time. 

The  Adelantado  was  not  only  left  in  great 
difficulties,  but  he  was  borne  down  by  grief  at  the 
infamy  of  his  son  and  the  disgrace  brought  upon 
his  name.  It  was  felt,  by  himself  and  his  officers, 
that  a  great  expedition  of  discovery  must  be 
equipped  to  employ  the  men,  and,  after  careful 
consideration,  it  was  decided  that  the  exploration 
of  the  course  and  origin  of  the  great  Eiver  Mag- 
dalena  should  be  undertaken  on  an  adequate  scale, 
in  the  expectation  that  rich  and  fertile  provinces 
would  be  discovered. 

Everything  depended  on  the  choice  of  the  right 
man  to  command  the  expedition.  There  were 
a  number  of  captains  all  with  equal  claims,  or 
at  least  they  thought  so.  To  appoint  any  one 
of  them  would  be  sure  to  cause  jealousy  and 
ill-feehng  among  the  rest,  and  the  probable 
consequence  would  be  failure.  Some  quahties 
were  needed  which  are  not  the  exclusive  property 
of  soldiers.  Don  Pedro  de  Lugo  had  seen  such 
quahties  in  the  chief  magistrate  during  a  very 
trying  time.  He  nominated  Gonzalo  Jimenes  de 
Quesada  to  be  his  heutenant-general  and  com- 
mander over  the  800  men — horse,  foot,  and  flotilla 


CHOSEN  TO  COMMAND  A  GKEAT  EXPEDITION    115 

— composing  the  expedition.  It  was  no  drawback, 
rather  the  reverse,  that  he  should  be  an  accom- 
pHshed  man  of  letters,  and  an  experienced  lawyer, 
if  he  also  had  fortitude,  resource,  endurance,  resolu- 
tion, and  the  gift  of  imbuing  those  under  him 
with  his  own  spirit.  Lugo  beheved  that  he  had 
seen  these  qualifications  in  Quesada,  and  he 
proved  to  be  right.  The  appointment  was  made 
April  1,  1536.1 

The  expedition  started  on  April  6,  1536, 
consisting  of  600  soldiers  in  eight  companies  and 
100  horses,^  accompanied  by  a  flotilla  of  five  large 
boats  to  ascend  the  Magdalena,  manned  by  200 
soldiers  and  sailors.  There  were  seven  principal 
captains  with  the  land  force — Juan  de  Junco  (who 
was  to  succeed  if  anything  happened  to  Quesada), 
Gonzalo  Suarez  Kondon,  Antonio  Lebrija,  and 
Juan  de  San  Martin  (whose  narratives  have 
been  preserved),^  Cespedes,  Valenzuela,  and 
Lazaro    Fonte.      In    the    boats    were    Captains 

^  Fray  Pedro  Simon  gives  the  text  of  the  appointment  with  the 
date  1537.  Ihe  question  is  discussed  by  Colonel  Acosta,  who  shows 
that  Castellanos,  Herrera,  and  Piedrahita  all  give  1536  as  the  date. 
The  subsequent  discovery  of  Quesada's  own  narrative  settles  the 
question. 

^  Quesada's  own  narrative.  Other  authorities  give  the  nimibera 
differently. 

3  In  the  collection  of  Munoz. 

I  2 


116  QUESADA^S  EXPEDITION 

Urbina,  Cordova,  Manjarres,  Chamarro,  and  Ortun 
Velasquez. 

The  Kio  Grande,  or  Magdalena,  had  abeady 
been  ascended  as  far  as  a  place  called  Sampollon, 
150  miles  from  the  mouth,  on  the  right  bank  ;  and 
rumours  had  been  received  of  the  existence  of  a 
rich  and  powerful  kingdom  in  the  interior.  But^ 
the  settlers  at  Santa  Martha  and  Cartagena  had 
feared  the  dangers  and  hardships  involved  in  the 
further  ascent  of  the  river.  Quesada,  in  his  nar- 
rative, says  that  those  of  Santa  Martha  were 
content  with  robbing  and  desolating  the  small 
but  rich  province  of  La  Kamada  (which  was  much 
nearer),  without  regard  for  the  pubhc  good,  but  only 
for  their  own  interests  ;  while  those  of  Cartagena 
rested  satisfied  with  the  gold  in  the  cemeteries 
of  Zenu.  The  great  discovery  was  left  to  the 
accompUshed  lawyer  of  Granada,  who  now  showed 
that  he  was  also  an  able  and  resolute  leader  of  men. 

We  have  the  advantage  of  Quesada's  brief 
narrative  ^  for  the  proceedings  of  the  invaders, 
which  affords  landmarks,  though  it  is  only  a 
summary  of  the  events.    The  soldiers  were  divided 

*  Printed  by  Marcos  Jimenes  de  la  Espada,  in  his  critical  review 
of  Castellanos  (Madrid,  1889),  from  the  Archivo  Historico.  Herrera 
liad  it,  and  used  it  without  giving  the  author,  as  was  his  custom. 


QUESADA'S  EXPEDITION  117 

into  eight  companies,  and  each  man  carried  his 
spare  clothes  and  rations  on  his  back.  They  were 
to  advance  through  an  unknown  country  to  the 
confluence  of  the  Cesari  with  the  Magdalena. 
The  flotilla  consisted  of  three  large  and  two  small 
boats,  to  be  propelled  by  oars  and  by  towing 
along  the  bank  when  possible.  They  were  to 
make  their  way  from  Santa  Martha  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Magdalena,  and  ascend  that  river  to  the 
confluence  of  the  Cesari,  where  they  were  to  meet  *^ 
Quesada  and  the  land  force. 

Quesada  took  his  leave  of  the  unhappy  Adelan- 
tado,  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Lugo,  who  had  organised 
the  expedition,  on  April  6,  1536.  Broken  down 
by  diflB.culties  and  disappointments,  and  by  grief 
at  the  perfidy  and  villainy  of  his  son,  the  Adel- 
antado  died  at  Santa  Martha  in  the  following 
October. 

The  march  was  difficult,  over  a  wild  uninhabited^^ 
country,  in  the  Sierra  de  Chimiles.  Provisions 
were  beginning  to  run  short  when  the  invaders 
entered  a  valley  where  the  people  were  reaping 
their  harvest  of  maize.  They  were  all  made 
prisoners  and  forced  to  carry  their  corn  into  the 
enemy's  camp.  The  forlorn  natives  had  put 
down  their  loads  and  were  standing  disconsolate, 


,j   w^.  t"*^ 


118  QUESADA'S  EXPEDITION 

as  prisoners  awaiting  their  fate.  Suddenly  a 
woman,  in  floods  of  tears,  rushed  into  the  camp 
and  embraced  a  boy  who  was  one  of  the  prisoners. 
She  had  come  to  give  herself  up,  in  order  that  she 
might  share  the  fate  of  her  beloved  son.  Quesada 
was  much  moved  at  the  sight.  He  at  once  gave 
the  woman  and  her  son  their  hberty.  Soon 
afterwards  he  released  all  the  rest,  except  one  who 
was  kept  as  a  guide. 

The  invaders  next  came  to  the  River  Ariguani, 
which  could  not  be  forded.  The  men  and  horses 
swam,  and  a  Une  was  got  across  by  which  the 
stores  and  provisions  were  brought  over.  Twelve 
days  were  occupied  in  the  march  thence  to  the 
lagoons  of  Tamalameque.  The  Cacique's  residence 
consisted  of  a  number  of  thatched  houses  built 
round  an  open  space,  at  the  end  of  a  long  penin- 
sula called  Pacabuy.  The  houses,  embosomed 
in  trees,  seen  across  the  deep  blue  waters  of  the 
lagoon,  were  a  grateful  sight  after  the  wearisome 
marches  through  the  forest.  Here  the  tired  soldiers 
rested  for  a  few  days,  and  Tamalameque  helped 
Quesada  in  his  final  march  to  the  confluence  of 
the  Cesari  and  Magdalena.  The  flotilla  had  not^ 
arrived.  Quesada  had  lost  100  men,  and  there 
were  many  sick.    Tired  of  waiting  for  the  boats, 


QUESADA^S  EXPEDITION  119 

he  moved  up  the  river  to  a  place  called  SampoUon 
on  the  right  bank,  not  far  from  the  site  of  the  city 
of  Mompox  on  the  opposite  side,  which  was  founded 
four  years  afterwards. 

The  flotilla  had  met  with  disaster.  Leaving 
Santa  Martha;  the  boats  made  their  way  to  the 
mouths  of  the  Magdalena.  One  was  wrecked  in  an 
attempt  to  enter  the  river ;  only  the  two  smallest 
got  through  and  reached  Malambo  near  the  mouth. 
The  two  others  went  on  to  Cartagena  where  the 
crews  deserted.  Manjarres,  one  of  the  captains, 
made  his  way  back  to  Santa  Martha  and 
reported  the  disaster.  There  were  three  old  boats 
there,  of  good  size,  which  were  fitted  out  and 
dispatched.  They  succeeded  in  entering  one  of 
the  mouths  of  the  Magdalena  and  joined  the  two 
smaller  ones  at  Malambo.  The  flotilla  then  pro- 
ceeded up  the  river,  often  harassed  by  the  natives, 
who  assembled  round  them  in  canoes  and  annoyed 
them  with  poisoned  arrows.  At  length,  after 
many  weeks  of  anxious  waiting,  Quesada  welcomed 
their  arrival  at  SampoUon.  The  sick  were  at  once 
put  on  board.  1 

^  The  names  of  the  captains  of  these  boats  are  tmcertain.  None 
of  those  given  by  Quesada  himself  are  the  same  as  those  recorded 
by  other  authorities. 


^ 


120  ASCENT  OF  THE  MAGDALENA 

Quesada  resolved  to  continue  the  advance  up 
the  Magdalena,  the  bulk  of  the  troops  forcing  their 
way  through  the  dense  forest  on  its  banks,  and  the  ^ 
flotilla  keeping  company  on  the  river.  It  is  prob- 
able that  a  great  part  of  the  route  on  land  had 
never  before  been  traversed  by  mortal  man,  for 
the  natives  passed  in  canoes.  Every  foot  of  the 
way  had  to  be  cut  and  cleared  with  wood-knives. 
To  the  misery  of  incessant  rains  were  added  the 
torment  of  mosquitoes,  ants,  and  hornets,  and  the 
danger  from  snakes  and  wild  beasts.  The  nights 
were  more  perilous  than  the  days.  One  soldier 
was  taken  out  of  his  hammock  by  a  jaguar.  His 
cries  awoke  his  comrades  who  rescued  him.  On 
the  next  night  he  slung  his  hammock  much  higher 
up.  Still  the  jaguar  got  at  him  and  dragged  him 
out.  His  comrades  were  snoring  so  loudly  that 
his  cries  were  not  heard,  and  the  wretched  man 
was  carried  off.  Many  died  in  the  forest.  There 
were  long  delays  in  crossing  rivers,  although  help 
was  given  by  the  crews  of  the  boats.  Trees  had 
to  be  felled  and  rough  bridges  made. 

When  they  reached  a  place  where  the  River 
Opon  joins  the  Magdalena,  called  La  Tora,  it  was 
a  month  since  they  had  seen  a  single  native  or 
a  sign  of  cultivation.    The  alligators  had  become 


EESOLUTION  OF  QUESADA  121 

so  bold,  and  had  carried  ofi  so  many  men,  that 
the  sm'vivors  did  not  dare  to  go  near  the  edge, 
and  they  got  their  water  by  fastening  the  pot  to 
the  end  of  a  long  pole.i  It  was  eight  months"" 
since  they  left  Santa  Martha.  To  continue  such 
marches  was  felt  to  be  quite  beyond  human  A^- 
endurance.    A  hundred  men  had  fallen  by  the  way. 

The  feehng  of  the  captains,  as  well  as  of  the 
men,  was  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
return  to  Santa  Martha  if  anyone  was  to  survive.  ^-^ 
The  oldest  and  most  experienced  officers  were 
San  Martin  and  Cespedes.  They  were  deputed 
to  represent  the  feehng  of  the  rest  to  the  General, 
which  they  did. 

Quesada  repHed  that  a  retreat  would  be  much*^ 
more  fatal  than  an  advance,  for  there  was  not 
room  for  the  soldiers  in  the  boats,  and  they  would 
again  have  to  struggle  through  the  dense  forest. 
He  reminded  them  that  the  good  Adelantado  had 
expended  all  his  fortune  in  fitting  out  the  expedition. 
He  declared  that  he  would  not  abandon  the  enter- 
prise while  his  hfe  was  spared,  and  that  he  would, 
in   future,    hold   him   as   an   enemy   who   should 


^  Since  those  days  a  great  trade  has  sprung  up  in  alligator  skins 
on  the  Magdalena.  After  1901,  when  it  began,  the  annual  export  has 
been  30,000  skins. 


122       SAN  MAE-TIN'S  ASCENT  OF  THE  OPON 

propose  a  course  so  pusillanimous  and  so  contrary 
to  Castillian  valour. 

(y  The  captains  submitted  without  another  word 
to  the  resolution  of  a  lawyer  who  carried  arms  for 
the  first  time  in  his  hfe.  The  boldest  course  was 
adopted. 

The  mountains  whence  the  Opon  River  flowed 
were  in  sight  to  the  east,  and  Quesada  was  inchned 
to  leave  the  river,  with  its  terrible  forests,  and 
attempt  the  ascent.  He  first  sent  Captain  San 
Martin  with  twelve  men  in  three  small  canoes  up 
the  River  Opon  to  reconnoitre.  On  the  second 
day,  in  a  turn  of  the  river,  they  suddenly  came 
upon  a  canoe  with  two  natives,  who  jumped  out 
and  swam  to  the  shore.  The  canoe  was  captured. 
Some  finely  woven  mantles  were  found  in  it,  and 
some  white  salt  very  different  from  that  made 
from  the  sea-salt.  Next,  San  Martin  came  to  a 
hut  containing  more  salt.  This  was  one  of  the 
depots  for  the  trade  in  the  salt  of  Zipaquira.i  San 
Martin  made  an  excursion  inland,  saw  cultivated 
tracts,  and  had  an  encounter  with  the  natives, 
making  one  prisoner.  He  then  returned  full  of 
\hope  that  a  rich  and  fertile  land  would  be  discovered, 
and  made  his  report  to  the  General. 

^  See  Chap.  I.,  p.  17. 


DISASTEOUS  RETUKN  OF  GALLEGOS         123 

Quesada  reflected  that  all  the  salt  he  had  hitherto 
seen  in  use  by  the  natives  was  poor  granular 
sea-salt.  But  the  salt  found  by  San  Martin 
was  quite  difierent :  in  loaves  Uke  sugar-loaves, 
and  very  fine.  It  was  clear  that  they  had  difierent 
origins.  If  one  came  from  the  sea  he  argued  that 
the  other  came  from  a  land  beyond  the  mountains, 
and  he  thought,  from  the  form  of  the  salt  and  its 
evident  commercial  value,  that  it  must  be  a  rich 
and  important  land.  He  therefore  resolved  to 
ascend  the  mountains,  following  the  ravine  down 
which  the  river  flowed.  The  flotilla  was  to  go 
down  the  Magdalena  with  the  sick,  and  bring  back 
reinforcements  to  fill  the  places  of  the  numerous 
unfortunate  men  who  had  succumbed  in  the  forests. 
One,  Gallegos,  was  in  command  of  the  boats,  and 
received  strict  orders  not  to  molest  the  natives, 
but  to  take  the  sick  down  the  river  as  quickly  as 
possible.  Instead  of  this  he  made  attacks  on 
villages  near  the  banks,  kilhng  and  plundering, 
until  at  last  the  natives  combined  against  him. 
Three  of  the  boats  full  of  sick  were  sunk,  and  only 
one  escaped  with  Gallegos;  badly  wounded.  This 
is  an  instance  of  the  difiQ.culties  surrounding  an 
able  general  with  such  men  to  deal  with,  ..The 
moment  his  back  is  turned  there  is  disaster  caused 


124  ASCENT  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS 

by  truculence  or  incapacity;  and  disobedience. 
Quesada  bad  given  strict  orders  about  the  just 
treatment  of  the  natives,  and  was  stern  in  en- 
forcing them.  He  even  caused  a  soldier  to  be 
executed  for  robbery,  although  the  chaplain  and 
the  captains,  who  did  not  see  much  harm  in  it, 
interceded  for  him. 

Quesada  commenced  the  ascent  of  the  mountains 
with  200  of  the  best  men  he  could  select,  and  60 
surviving  horses.  The  diflQ.culties  were  great,  and 
people  have  since  wondered  how  horses  could 
possibly  have  been  got  up  those  rocky  heights 
and  almost  perpendicular  precipices.  He  only 
lost  one  in  the  ascent.  The  cold  became  intense; 
and  the  men  were  quite  unprepared  for  it;  while 
the  rains  made  it  impossibe  to  hght  a  fire,  and  they 
had  to  hve  on  raw  maize.  Twenty  died,  and  one 
went  out  of  his  mind.  At  length  they  reached 
the  summit  of  the  Opon  Mountains,  fully  6500  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea.  With  almost  dehrious 
joy  they  saw  stretched  out  before  them  a  vast 
cultivated  plain:  groves  of  fruit-trees,  lakes  and 
murmuring  streams,  with  villages  and  towers 
scattered  here  and  there.  It  seemed  to  them  like 
a  land  of  enchantment  covered  with  fairy  castles. 
Quesada  called  it '  el  valle  de  alcazares  ' — '  the  valley 


THE  STORM  BREAKS  125 

of  palaces/  The  surviving  invaders  numbered  166, 
with  59  horses.  It  was  joy  to  the  Spaniards,  but 
death  and  destruction  to  the  ill-fated  Chibcha 
nation.  Dark  clouds  had  long  been  threatening 
round  their  horizon.  Their  doom  had  now  appeared 
on  the  summit  of  that  Mount  of  Opon. 


CHAPTER  XI 

BURSTING  OF  THE   STORM 

The  Chibcha  nation  was  at  peace.  There  was  a/ 
truce  between  the  two  sovereigns.  A  strong  force 
guarded  the  western  frontier.  The  fields,  with  their 
growing  crops,  stretched  for  leagues  around  the 
Zipa's  capital.  The  villagers  were  all  at  work,// 
happy  and  contented.  The  lofty  houses  of  the 
Usaques,  scattered  here  and  there,  rising  out  of 
clumps  of  trees,  enlivened  the  landscape.  Over 
the  mountains  trains  of  laden  wayfarers  might  be 
seen  passing  to  and  fro,  frequenters  of  the  distant 
markets.  From  the  salt-mines  of  Nemocon  and 
Zipaquira,  down  the  Opon  River  to  the  market 
on  the  Magdalena,  there  was  a  ceaseless  flow  of 
commerce.  Cotton,  gold,  and  tropical  fruits  came 
in  return,  coca  and  wood  for  lances  came  from  the 
eastern  forests,  while  the  products  of  the  Chibcha 
pottery  factories  and  cloth  industries  went  down 
in    exchange.      A    busy    hive    of    industry:    all 

126 


THE  FATAL  NEWS  127 

seemed   happiness  and   prosperity,  with   nothing 
to  mar  its  continuance. 

The  Zipa  in  his  palace  at  Muequeta  under  the 
hills,  with  bright  lagoons  around  it,  was  the  centre 
of  all  this  well-being,  reverenced  and  almost 
worshipped  by  his  subjects,^  and  surrounded  by 
faithful  warriors  and  councillors.  Fair  women, 
too,  good  to  look  upon,  as  Quesada  bore  witness, 
erJivened  his  Court,  and  added  a  charm  to  the 
palace  whose  walls  their  industry  had  beautified. 
It  seemed  that  nothing  more  was  wanted  to  fill  the 
cup  of  happiness.  Yet  there  was  a  vague  feehng 
of  dread,  no  one  knew  why.  Rumours  had  come 
from  east  and  west,  from  south  and  even  from  the 
north.     The  handwriting  was  already  on  the  wall. 

Thisquezuza,  the  gallant  Zipa,  was  in  council, 
surrounded  by  his  advisers,  in  the  great  hall  of  the 
Muequeta  palace.    Suddenly  a  breathless  messenger 
rushed  into  the  presence.    He  came  from  the  loyal 
chief  of  Suesca.     Strange  men  had  come  down     ! 
from  the  mountains,  as  if  from  the  sun  and  moon —    / 
*  Snr.hip.R'  they  were  called.  They  were  accompanied    '\ 
by  still  stranger  animals,  causing  terror  in  all  who 
beheld  them.     They  were  not  numerous  but  their 

^  *  Es  grandissima  la  reverencia  que  tienen  los  subditos  a  sus 
caciques.' — Quesada. 


128  ADVANCE  OF  THE  ZIPA 

arms  were  irresistible,  the  animals  terrible  to  behold. 
They  had  overawed  the  chief  of  Gruacheta  and 
were  now  directing  their  march  to  the  salt-mine  of 
jj"emocon.  The  terrified  people  were  bringing  in 
provisions  to  propitiate  them. 

The  news  was  appalling,  yet  there  was  a  f eeHng , 
of  rehef  at  first,  when  actual  tidings  arrived/' 
/  however  bad,  to  reheve  the  tension  caused  by 
unsubstantial  rumours.  Now  there  could  be  action. 
The  valour  of  Thisquezuza  had  been  proven  in 
many  an  encounter,  both  in  the  time  of  his  uncle 
and  during  his  own  reign.  He  resolved  to  meet 
these  terrible  invaders  in  person.  Six  hundred  of 
the  best  and  bravest  of  his  warriors  were  carefully 
selected.  The  mummy  of  the  Zipa^s  predecessor, 
the  gbrious  Nemequene,  as  was  the  strange  custom 
of  the  Chibchas,  was  borne  in  front  of  the  Httle 
army  to  arouse  the  enthusiasm  of  the  warriors.  The 
Zipa  himself  was  carried  in  the  royal  fitter,  ready 
to  rush  out  and  fight  when  the  moment  arrived. 
On  the  second  day  he  came  in  sight  of  the  invaders 
and  gazed  upon  them,  with  their  strange  arms  and 
attire,  and  their  terrifying  animals.  Quesada, 
with  the  main  body,  had  already  passed  on,  and 
the  Chibchas  made  a  gallant  attack  on  the  rear- 
guard.    They  were  gaining  ground,  led  on  by  the 


FLIGHT  OF  THE  ZIPA  129 

Zipa,  when  they  were  surprised  in  flank  and  rear 
by   the    Spanish   cavaby.     There   was   a    fearful 
slaughter,    the   sacred   mummy    was   overthrown 
and  trampled  in  the  dust,  and  the  survivors  fled  i 
in  all  directions.     The  Zipa  returned  to  Muequeta, 
plunged  into  deep  despondency.    He  was  convincec 
that  the  invaders  were  irresistible,  and  that  hiij 
country  was  doomed.    He  resolved  upon  flight,  ant 
to  delay  the  arrival  of  the  enemy  as  long  as  possible 
by  negotiating  and  sending  presents. 

Quesada  had  advanced  to  the  hill  of  Chia  in 
the  plain  of  Bogota,  the  residence  of  the  heir 
apparent,  who  fled,  after  conceahng  his  treasure, 
which  was  never  found.  The  Zipa  sent  the  invader 
presents  of  venison  and  game,  and  messages  were 
exchanged  with  reference  to  a  personal  interview. 
Meanwhile,  there  were  hurried  preparations  at 
Muequeta.  There  was  no  alternative.  The  an- 
cestral home,  the  centre  and  capital  of  the  Chibcha 
civilisation,  must  be  abandoned,  and  safety  must 
be  sought  in  flight  to  some  secret  retreat — a  secret 
which  the  Zipa  knew  that  his  faithful  people  would 
keep.  Thence  he  might  direct  operations  and 
await  events. 

The  Spaniards  were  eager  to  reach  the  Zipa's 
capital,  expecting  to  find  great  stores  of  the  gold, 


130  QUESADA  AT  MUEQUETA 

for  which  they  thirsted.  Quesada,  therefore,  set  out 
from  Chia ;  but  in  crossing  the  Elver  Funza  he  met 
with  opposition  from  the  loyal  troops  of  the  Zipa. 
Their  devoted  loyalty  quite  overcame  the  too 
natural  terror  which  paralysed  the  action  of  most 
of  the  Chibcha  people.  The  Spaniards  forced 
their  way  onwards  and  reached  the  palace  of 
Muequeta,  but  found  it  deserted  and  dismantled. 
A  party  was  sent  in  search  of  the  Zipa  to  the  country 
palace  of  Tinansuga,  but  he  was  not  there.  The 
headquarters  of  the  Spaniards  were  estabhshed 
for  some  time  at  Muequeta,  where  they  were  sub- 
jected to  incessant  attacks  from  the  Zipa's  troops, 
who  easily  evaded  the  cavalry  charges  by  retiring 
among  the  impassable  lagoons. 

Quesada's  plans  were  frustrated  and  the  Spanish 
absorbing  thirst  for  gold  was  unsatisfied  for  a  time.^ 
The  general  resolved  to  send  out  two  exploring 
expeditions  to  the  south  and  west  under  the  com- 
mand of  his  veteran  captains,  Cespedes  and  San 
Martin.  The  party  of  Cespedes  went  southward, 
and  suffered  so  terribly  from  the  cold  on  the  lofty 
tableland  in  the  direction  of  Suma  Paz  that  the 
attempt  to  penetrate  farther  was  abandoned. 
San  Martin  entered  the  country  of  the  vahant 
Panches,  on  the  lower  slopes  towards  the  Magdalena. 


THE  UNCONQUERED  PANCHES  131 

Their  villages  were  perched  on  inaccessible  ridges 
of  the  mountains,  and  the  warriors  were  called  to 
arms  by  the  blowing  of  horns  from  peak  to  peak. 
Their  army  was  soon  assembled,  and  the  Spaniards 
met  with  such  a  reception  that  San  Martin  made 
a  rapid  strategical  movement  to  the  rear.  He 
received  some  reinforcements  from  the  General, 
and  sought  the  aid  of  the  Zipa's  frontier  force, 
which  was  conceded.  The  Chibchas  of  the 
frontier  force  were  called  Guechas,  a  word 
which  means  a  general  or  leader  of  an  army. 
Here  it  is  used  to  describe  a  force  of  specially 
selected  warriors. 

The  valley  of  Fusagasuga  is  the  last  within 
Chibcha  territory.  The  combined  force  crossed  the 
hills  which  separate  it  from  the  rugged  descending 
slopes  of  Pati  and  Apulo.  The  Panches  gathered 
together  to  the  sound  of  their  horns,  and  formed 
in  disciplined  troops,  with  coronets  of  brilhant 
plumes  on  their  heads,  and  armed  with  clubs, 
lances,  and  bows  with  poisoned  arrows.  No 
impression  could  be  made  on  their  serried  ranks 
by  the  combined  force  of  Spaniards  and  Guechas. 
If,  after  fighting  with  desperate  valour,  they  fell 
back,  they  left  neither  wounded  nor  prisoners  in 
the  hands  of  their  enemies.     The  Spaniards  also 

K   2 


132  THE  EMERALD  MINE 

retreated,    repulsed    and    beaten.       San    Martin 

returned  to  headquarters.      Both  the  expeditions 

sent  out  by  Quesada  had  failed ;  he  gained  nothing 

/  by  seizing  the  Zipa's  palace,  and  his  soldiers  were 

(    discontented,  and  clamouring  for  gold. 

A  report  had  been  received  that  the  emeralds 
came  from  mountains  to  the  north-east,  so  Quesada 
led  his  followers  in  that  direction,  marching  by 
Guatavita  to  Choconta,  the  Hmit  of  the  Zipa's 
dominions.  Captain  Valenzuela,  with  a  small 
force,  was  then  sent  on  to  the  emerald  mine  at 
Samondoco,  which  he  reached.  But  he  found  that 
the  mine  was  only  worked  in  the  rainy  season 
owing  to  the  scarcity  of  water  at  other  times  for 
washing  the  earth.  He,  however,  obtained  a  few 
emeralds  with  which  he  returned  to  the  main  body 
at  Turmeque  within  the  Zaque's  territory.  An 
advance  was  made  to  Lengupa,  the  last  Chibcha 
village  to  the  east.  Beyond  was  the  ilhmitable 
Amazonian  forest,  reaching  to  the  horizon — a 
magnificent  view,  so  striking  that  San  Martin  was 
sent  with  a  small  party  to  explore.  But  his  orders 
obhged  him  to  return  before  he  could  reach  the 
level  forest.  Quesada  was  now  in  the  territory/ 
of  the  Zaque  of  Tunja,  and  the  thirsters  for  gold 
thought  by  a  rapid  march  they  might  take  the 


FALL  OF  THE  ZAQUE  133 

Zaque  completely  by  surprise,  and  seize  all  the 
treasure  before  any  of  it  could  be  concealed. 

Quemuchatocha,  _  the  reigning  Zaque  of  Tunja, 
was  an  old  man,  revered  by  his  subjects  and 
renowned  for  his  justice  and  valour.  He  had  heard 
of  the  march  of  these  terrible  invaders,  and  of  the 
awful  charges  of  cavalry,  and  he  felt  that  his 
country  was  doomed.  Concihation  offered  the 
only  hope,  and  that  a  faint  one,  of  humane  treat- 
ment. He  was  fearless  and  resigned  to  the  fate 
decreed  by  the  gods. 

When  the  dreaded  enemy  was  seen  to  be  ap- 
proaching rapidly,  the  Zaque  sent  presents  and 
requested  the  Spaniards  to  wait  outside  until  he 
had  prepared  for  their  reception.  The  Spaniards 
pushed  the  messengers  aside  without  stopping. 
Quesada  and  his  men  forced  their  way  through  a 
terrified  crowd  and  broke  into  the  palace.  Then, 
with  drawn  sword,  and  followed  by  his  officers,  he 
entered  the  great  hall  of  audience.  The  venerable 
Zaque  was  seated  on  his  throne  hke  an  old  Eoman 
senator,  with  his  chiefs  around  him.  He  was  tall, 
very  old,  and  of  fierce  aspect.  He  showed  neither 
fear  nor  anxiety.  To  eager  questions  about 
treasure  he  maintained  a  profound  and  majestic 
silence.    He  merely  said :   '  My  body  is  in  your 


134         PLUNDER  OF  THE  ZAQUE'S  PALACE 

hands.  Dispose  of  it  as  you  please.  But  my  will 
no  one  shall  command.^  Quesada  was  firm  on 
this  occasion  and  would  not  allow  the  Zaque  to 
be  tortured  or  treated  with  violence.  He  was 
imprisoned,  but  his  women  and  servants  were 
allowed  to  attend  upon  him  with  the  reverence 
to  which  he  had  been  accustomed. 

The  pillage  then  began,  and  was  continued 
throughout  the  night — a  colossal  burglary.  The 
loot,  forming  an  immense  heap,  was  placed  in  the 
centre  of  the  courtyard  of  the  palace.  Much  of 
it  consisted  of  rich  cotton  cloths,  beautiful  orna- 
mental matting,  and  other  furniture;  but  there 
were  also  191,390  pesos  of  fine  gold,  37,288  of  less 
pure  gold,  18,390  of  silver,  1815  emeralds — about 
£125,000  of  our  money. 

The  Zaque  died  of  a  broken  heart,  a  few  days 
afterwards,  and  was  succeeded — if  not  to  his  sove- 
reignty, at  least  to  the  hearts  of  his  people — by  a 
young  and  popular  prince  named  A^uinnn^the 
last  Zaque. 

This  small  increase  in  the  amount  of  loot  to 
be  divided,  only  whetted  the  insatiable  appetites 
of  the  gold-seekers.  They  had  heard  of  the  rich 
temple  of  Suamo,  and  clamoured  to  be  taken  there. 
It  was  there  that  the  reUgious  chief  called  Iraca 


TEMPLE  OF  SUAMO  BUKNT  135 

had  his  residence.  This  was  an  ojQ&ce  supposed  to 
have  been  instituted  by  the  mythical  civiHser, 
Garachacha,  and  the  holder  of  the  office  was  to  be 
the  head  of  the  Chibcha  rehgion,  and  an  arbitrator 
and  peacemaker  among  chiefs  and  people.  The 
temple  of  Suamo  was  the  most  sacred  place  in  the 
country,  and  the  Iraca  was  held  in  the  deepest 
veneration.  \^^"iA< 

The  vale  of  the  Iraca  was  about  twenty  miles  4-^, 
north-east  of  Tunja,  a  pleasant  and  fertile  spot.  -^'. 
As    the    Spaniards   approached,   the   imf ortunate >f (i^^ 
people  attempted  resistance,  but  were  soon  terrified    ' 
and  fled.     The  despoilers  advanced  to  the  temple 
and    broke  open   the  doors.    A  single    old  man 
alone  barred  the  way.     This   priest  stood  there 
dauntless  and  alone.     Behind  him  the  Spaniards 
could  see  a  long  row  of  mummies  adorned  with 
gold    plates.      Even    those     ruthless    marauders 
paused  in  awe  before  the  aged  priest.     Suddenly 
flames  broke  out,  and  they  fell  back.     The  temple 
was  on  fire  and  was  burned  to  the  ground.     The  old 
priest  preferred  death  in  the  flames  to  surrender.  ^ 

*  The  Iraca  himself,  named  Sugamuni,  nephew  of  his  pre- 
decessor Nompaneme,  became  a  Christian,  and  survived  until 
about  1660.  The  Franciscans  engraved  his  epitaph,  in  the  Chibcha 
language,  on  a  stone  :  *  The  best  man  in  Cundinamarca,  the  crown 
and  honour  of  his  nation.  Friend  of  the  children  of  the  sun,  who, 
in  the  end,  adored  the  eternal  sun.     We  pray  for  his  soul.' 


136  THE  CHIEF,  TUTAMA 

The  gold-seekers  were  more  ruthless  than  the  fire. 
So  perished  an  institution  which  gave  the  Chibchas 
their  highest  claim  to  be  considered  a  civihsed 
community. 

Bordering  on  the  valley  of  the  Iraca  to  the  north 
was  the  territory  of  the  brave  chief,  Tutama,  who 
only  owned  a  nominal  allegiance  to  the  Zaque. 
On  hearing  of  the  awful  sacrilege  at  Suamo,  he 
called  together  his  warriors,  a  well  discipUned  array, 
and  advanced  against  the  enemy.  It  was  in 
October  1537.  The  fight,  well  contested  and  long 
doubtful,  was  near  the  hills  of  Duitama.  Quesada 
fell  with  his  horse,  and  was  in  some  danger.  At 
length  Tutama's  force  retreated  in  good  order  to 
the  fastnesses  of  Bonda,  which  consisted  of  morasses 
with  islands  rising  from  them.  The  fight  was  known 
as  the  battle^^  ^Bonda.  The  Spaniards  also 
retreated  and  formed  a  defensive  camp  at  Suesca, 
under  the  command  of  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada, 
the  GeneraFs  brother. 

Plunder  was  the  main  object  of  the  Spanish 
captains  and  soldiers.  Unsatisfied  by  the  result 
of  their  robbery  in  the  Zaque's  palace,  and  foiled 
at  Suamo,  they  continued  to  clamour  for  more 
gold.  There  was  a  rumour  that  the  gold  owned 
by  the  Chibchas  came  from  the  valley  of  Neyva ; 


DIVISION  OF  THE  SPOILS  137 

and  they  must  needs  be  led  in  that  direction. 
Quesada  conducted  his  forces  across  the  cordillera, 
and  with  great  difficulty  they  made  their  way  to 
the  banks  of  the  Magdalena.  But  their  guides  had 
escaped  from  them.  The  inhabitants  had  crossed 
to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  the  Spaniards 
began  to  suffer  from  fevers  and  want  of  provisions. 
Leaving  several  comrades  who  had  died  of  exposure 
and  fever,  the  rest  made  their  way  up  the  mountain 
slopes,  with  their  thirst  for  gold  unsatisfied. 

Quesada  once  more  fixed  his  headquarters  at 
Muequeta,  the  deserted  palace  of  the  Zipa,  in 
January  1538 ;  and,  in  order  to  give  some  satis- 
faction to  his  avaricious  followers,  he  determined 
to  distribute  such  treasure  as  had  been  collected. 
For  the  royal  fifth  he  set  aside  40,000  pesos  of  fine 
gold  and  562  emeralds.^  Each  foot-soldier  got 
520  pesos,  each  cavalry  soldier  1040,  each  officer 
2080,  seven  officers'  shares  for  Quesada  himself, 
and  nine  for  the  Adelantado  de  Lugo. 

The  Zipa  Thisquezuza  had  retreated  to  a 
secluded  forest  to  the  westward,^  where  he  held  his 

^  Manuscript  reports  of  the  captains,  San  Martin  and  Lebrija, 
quoted  by  Acosta.  Colonel  Acosta  thinks  that  vast  sums  were 
secreted  by  Quesada  and  his  officers,  and  that  the  real  amount  was 
double  what  was  officially  stated. 

2  Near  Facatativa. 


138  DEATH  OF  THE  ZIPA 

Court,  and  whence  he  directed  the  operations  of  his 
faithful  followers.  But  he  seems  to  have  despaired 
of  ultimate  success.  He  and  his  councillors  felt 
that  the  gods  had  passed  a  doom  upon  his  people 
from  which  there  could  be  no  escape. 

Quesada  was  long  unable  to  find  out  whither 
the  Zipa  had  gone.  His  subjects  preserved  the 
secret,  the  discovery  of  which  was  eagerly  desired 
in  the  behef  that  more  gold  would  be  found.  At 
last  two  boys,  suspected  of  coming  from  the  Zipa 
as  messengers,  were  captured.  Both  were  cruelly 
tortured.  One  died  rather  than  divulge  the  secret. 
The  other  succumbed  under  the  excruciating  agony 
and  consented  to  guide  the  marauders.  Quesada 
set  out  with  a  chosen  body  of  men,  marching  all 
night.  At  dawn  he  surprised  the  royal  camp  and 
broke  into  it.  The  Zipa  was  mortally  wounded, 
but  safely  carried  off  by  his  guards  and  attendants. 
After  the  first  panic  the  Chibchas  ralhed  and 
fiercely  attacked  the  Spaniards,  who  retreated 
hastily,  closely  followed,  their  retreat  soon  being 
converted  into  a  flight.  They  had  only  found 
two  golden  drinking-cups,  brought  there  for  the 
Sovereign's  own  use. 

Thisquezuza  died  of  his  wound,  and  was 
secretly    interred.     Thus    fell    the    last    reigning 


SAGIPA,  THE  LAST  ZIPA  139 

Zaque  and  the  last  reigning  Zipa.  An  advancing 
civilisation  was  destroyed  with  them,  and  their 
iITfated  subjects  saw  the  last  of  their  days  of 
prosperity  and  happiness.  They  passed  under 
the  yoke  of  ruthless  and  cruel  oppressors. 
**  But  resistance  did  not  cease  with  the  Zipa's 
death.  It  aroused  his  warriors  to  renewed  efforts. 
The  constitutional  heir  was  the  Usaque  of  Chia, 
but  he  had  shown  pusillanimity  and  weakness. 
Another  nephew  was  chosen  to  succeed  Thisquezuza, 
a  gallant  young  warrior  named  S.agipa.  He  led 
renewed  and  incessant  attacks  on  the  Spanish 
camp  at  Muequeta,  until  he  obhged  Quesada  to 
beat  a  retreat  and  form  another  camp  at  Bosa, 
where  the  plain  was  open  and  better  suited  for"tES 
operations  of  cavalry. 

The  Panches,  emboldened  by  their  successful 
encounters  with  the  Spaniards,  began  to  make 
destructive  raids  into  the  Chibcha  country.  Then 
Sagipa  made  a  fatal  mistake.  He  went  to  the  camp 
at  Bosa,  with  presents  of  gold  and  emeralds,  and 
requested  the  Spaniards  to  assist  him  against  his 
enemies  the  Panches.  Quesada  and  his  officers 
were  much  struck  by  the  noble  bearing  of  the  young 
Zipa  and  at  once  acceded  to  his  request.  A  few 
days   afterwards   a   combined  army  of  Chibchas 


140  THE  SPANIARDS  AND  SAGIPA 

and  Spaniards  advanced  into  the  country  of  the 
Panches — the  former  under  the  command  of  Sagipa, 
the  latter  led  by  Quesada  himself.  The  Panche 
warriors  were  ready  to  dispute  the  further  progress 
of  their  foes.  It  was  arranged  that  the  Chibchas 
should  meet  the  brunt  of  their  attack,  while  the 
Spanish  cavalry,  from  an  ambush,  was  to  charge  their 
flank.  These  tactics  were  carried  out  with  success, 
and  at  length  the  Panches  were  really  defeated. 
This  important  encounter  was  known  as  the  battle 
of  Xocarema.  "" 

Then  followed  one  of  the  most  shameful  acts 
in  the  whole  sad  story.  The  Spaniards  began  to 
beheve  that  there  must  be  a  great  Zipa  treasure 
concealed  somewhere,  and  that  Sagipa  knew  the 
secret.  They  thought  that  a  ransom  might  be 
extorted,  Uke  that  of  Atahualpa.  The  Spaniards 
became  incarnate  fiends — no  other  words  can  ex- 
press the  truth — when  gold  was  concerned.  Sagipa 
was  their  guest  and  their  companion  in  arms. 
Their  word  was  given  for  his  safety.  Yet,  regard- 
less of  honour  and  good  faith,  the  officers  petitioned 
Quesada  to  imprison  him  and  load  him  with  chains, 
that  he  might  be  forced  to  dehver  up  the  treasure  of 
the  Zipa.  Quesada  weakly  comphed.  The  Chib- 
chas were  horrified,  for  their  Sovereign  had  joined 


TORTURE  AND  DEATH  OF  SAGIPA  141 

the  Spaniards  and  entered  their  camp  on  promise 
of  safety.  Sagipa  told  Quesada  that  he  had  no 
gold,  that  the  late  Zipa  certainly  had  treasure, 
but  that  he  distributed  it  all  among  his  chiefs  before 
his  flight  from  Muequeta.  This  was  the  simple 
truth.  The  Spaniards  then  began  to  inflict  the 
most  frightful  tortures  on  the  unfortunate  Zipa, 
to  extort  a  confession  when  there  was  nothing  to 
confess.  They  kept  him  ahve  for  many  days,  but 
the  brave  prince  uttered  not  a  word.  At  length 
he  died  in  excruciating  agony.  As  to  the  fiends 
who  perpetrated  this  hideous  crime  words  fail  to 
describe  them.  Quesada  no  doubt  disapproved, 
but  the  mutinous  violence  of  the  gold-seekers  over- 
awed him,  and  he  weakly  allowed  the  crime  to  be 
perpetrated.  On  him  falls  the  blame.  It  has  left 
a  stain  on  his  memory  that  nothing  can  wash  out^ 
Quesada  now  contemplated  the  necessity  of 
obtaining  reinforcements  to  complete  his  work, 
and  he  decided  that  he  must  himself,  return  to 
obtain  recognition  of  his  services.  The  great  plain 
of  Bogota  reminded  him  of  the  Vega  of  Granada. 
He  there  founded  a  city  on  August  6,  1538, 
and  named  it  Santa  Fe,  after  the  city  built  by 
Ferdilland  and  Isabella  in  the  Vega.  The  sur- 
rounding heights  reminded  him  of  the  hills  round 


142  BOGOTA  FOUNDED 

the  Moorish  capital,  and  he  even  saw  in  the  hills  of 
Suacho  a  resemblance  to  that  known  as  '  El  ultimo 
suspiro  del  Moro/  Full  of  these  reminiscences 
of  his  youth  he  gave  his  discoveries  the  name  of 
New  Granada.  The  new  city  of  Santa  Fe  de 
Bogota  was  on  the  site  of  one  of  the  country  houses 
of  the  Zipa  called  Tuesaquillo.  A  dozen  large 
buildings  were  erected  of  sufficient  size  to  house 
all  the  Spaniards,  and  a  wooden  church  on  the  site 
of  the  present  cathedral.  Municipal  officers  and 
magistrates  were  duly  appointed. 

In  the  midst  of  these  proceedings  the  news 
arrived  that  a  large  body  of  Spaniards  were  march- 
ing up  the  valley  of  Neyva.  This  proved  to  be 
Sebastian  de  Belalfiazar  on  his  way  to  Spain. 
Immediately  afterwards  there  arrived  a  report 
that  another  body  of  Spaniards  was  coming  down 
from  the  lofty  plateaux  of  Suma  Paz.  It  was  the 
Gerraan  Nicolaa  F-fidfii]nan  with  his  veterans  who 
had  traversed  the  Amazonian  forests.  It  was  an 
extraordinary  meeting.  The  three  chiefs,  Quesada, 
Belalcazar,  and  Fredeman,  resolved  to  return  to 
Spain  together.  Boats  were  got  ready  for  them 
at  La  Tora  on  the  Magdalena.  Before  their 
departure  it  was  resolved  to  found  two  other  cities. 
One  was  to  be  on  the  Eiver  Suarez  at  the  northern 


DEPARTURE  OF  QUESADA  143 

frontier  of  the  Zaque's  dominions,  which  was  to  be 
founded  by  Captain  Martin  GaHano,  and  named 
Velez  in  memory  of  Velez  Malaga  near  Granada. 
The  other  city  was  to  be  at  Tunja,  on  the  site  of 
the  Zaque's  capital,  to  be  founded  by  Captain 
Gonzalo  Suarez  Kondon  who  had  served  in  Italy, 
at  the  battle  of  Pavia. 

Quesada  left  his  brother,  Hernan  Perez  de 
Quesada,  in  charge  of  the  government  of  this  new 
kingdom  of  Granada,  with  the  title  of  lieutenant- 
general.  In  May,  1538,  the  three  generals  embarked 
at  Guataqui  on  the  Magdalena,  arrived  safely  at 
its  mouth  in  twelve  days,  and  proceeded  to  Carta- 
gena, to  embark  for  Spain.  Quesada  sought  for 
confirmation  of  his  appointment  as  Governor  of 
his  important  discoveries,  and  Belalcazar  hoped  to 
receive  an  independent  grant  of  Popayan  and  the  / 
Cauca  valley. 

Quesada  had  arrived  in  the  country  of  the^^ 
Chibchas  and  found  wide  plains  and  beautiful 
valleys  thickly  peopled  by  an  industrious  and 
intelUgent  race.  He  found  an  advancing  civiHsa- 
tion  guided  by  two  sovereigns  of  ancient  Hneage, 
with  a  third  sacred  personage  acting  as  arbitrator 
and  peacemaker.  He  found  chiefs  and  people  happy 
and  contented.     When  he  departed  all  was  changed. 


144  END  OF  THE  CHIBCHA  NATION 

There  was  confusion  and  terror,  cultivation  neg- 
lected, some  of  the  people  in  flight,  others  forced 
\  to  work  as  slaves.    He  had  killed  two  sovereigns, 
\  tortured  another  to  death.     Destruction  had  come 
1  upon  Chibcha  civilisation,  and  desolation  brooded 
over  the  once  prosperous  land.    True :  but  Quesada 
was  taking  home  a  box  containing  758  emeralds 
for  the  emperor  Charles  V. 


CHAPTEE  XII 

FINAL   DESTRUCTION   OF    THE    CHIBCHA   NATION 

The  country  of  the  Chibchas,  on  the  departure  of 
Gonzalo  Jimenes  de  Quesada,  was  left  at  the  mercy 
of  his  brother,  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada,  a  very^ 
different   man.    Hernan   Perez   was   callous   and/' 
inhuman.     Bitten  by  the  gold  fever  as  deeply  as^ 
the  most  ignorant  soldier  under  his  orders,  he  was 
as  guilty  as  any  of  his  companions — indeed,  more 
guilty — in  connection  with  the  atrocious  murder  of 
Sagipa,  the  last  of  the  Zipas. 

The  unfortunate  country  had  been  divided  up 
into  encomiendas,  or  tracts  of  land,  with  theirs 
inhabitants — probably  identical  with  the  old  chief- 
ships,  or  one  chiefship  may  have  formed  two 
or  more  encomiendas.  These  encomiendas  were 
granted  to  the  captains  under  Quesada,  and  to 
some  of  those  who  had  accompanied  Belalcazar 
and  Federman,  and  had  remained  in  New  Granada. 
The  grants  were  for  two  Uves.^     The  inhabitants 

*  See  lists  in  the  Appendix. 

146  L 


146  HERNAN  PEREZ  DE  QUESADA 

became  the  slaves  of  the  encomenderos,  who  de- 
manded tribute  from  them  to  an  amomit  it  was 
impossible  for  them  to  pay,  and  used  them  in  any 
way  they  pleased — to  work  in  the  fields,  or  for 
personal  service,  or  as  porters  forced  to  carry 
weights  far  beyond  their  strength.  It  was  a 
grinding  and  crushing  tyranny. 

Quesada's  Heutenant  and  brother  had  first  to  de- 
fend his  claims  against  a  formidable  competitor.  The 
Licentiate,  Jeronimo  Lebron,  had  been  appointed 
Governor  of  Santa  Martha  by  the  Audiencia  of 
San  Domingo.  He  considered  that  the  discoveries 
of  Quesada  were  within  his  jurisdiction,  and  he 
set  out,  with  a  well-organised  expedition,  to  take 
possession.  He  had  seven  boats  manned  by  100 
soldiers,  and  200  more  men  were  to  march  by  land 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Cesari.  It  was  the  same  plan 
as  that  adopted  by  Quesada.  The  Licentiate, 
Lebron,  took  the  first  Spanish  women  to  New 
Granada,  and  a  supply  of  corn  and  vegetable  seeds. 
The  conduct  of  the  expedition  was  entrusted  to 
three  able  and  experienced  captains.  The  boats 
met  with  great  diflS.culties  at  the  bar  of  the 
Magdalena  and  had  to  throw  some  of  their  cargoes 
overboard  ;  and  the  crews  sufiered  from  incessant 
attacks  by  the  natives  in  canoes  while  ascending 


HERNAN  PEREZ  AND  LEBRON  147 

the  river  to  SampoUon.  Higher  up  there  were  few 
incidents,  and  Lebron,  ascending  the  mountains, 
arrived  at  Velez  in  December  1540,  after  six 
months  of  hard  work,  and  the  loss  of  many  of  his 
followers.  He  was  received  as  Governor  by  the 
settlers  at  Velez. 

When  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada  heard  of  this 
unexpected  arrival  he  sent  a  messenger  to  Lebron 
to  warn  him  that  the  municipahties  of  Bogota  and 
Tunja  could  not  acknowledge  that  an  appointment 
as  Governor  of  Santa  Martha  by  the  Audienda  of 
San  Domingo  was  sufficient  authority  for  super- 
seding the  discoverer.  Hernan  Perez  then  marched 
with  a  force  of  200  foot  and  100  horse  i  to  oppose 
him.  Lebron,  reinforced  by  the  settlers  at  Velez, 
advanced  with  an  equal  force.  A  battle  seemed 
imminent.  But  Captain  Suarez  Rondon  intervened, 
and  an  interview  was  arranged.  The  majority 
of  the  settlers  were  resolved  not  to  receive  Lebron 
lest  he  should  revoke  or  disturb  the  grants  of 
encomiendas.  Seeing  this,  Lebron  wisely  decided 
that  his  best  plan  was  to  retire.  He  made  a  small 
fortune  by  the  sale  of  horses,  slaves,  clothing,  and 
arms    at    exorbitant    prices,    and    embarked    at 

•  Some  horses  had  been  left  by  Belalcazar,  raising  the  number 
from  fifty-nine  to  a  hundred. 

L  2 


148  HERNAN  PEREZ  AND  EL  DORADO 

Guataqui  on  the  Magdalena,  with  only  twenty- 
five  followers.  The  rest  remained.  When  he 
reached  Santa  Martha  he  heard  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  new  Governor  in  the  person  of 
Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo.  So  he  retired  to  his 
house  at  San  Domingo  with  the  small  fortune 
he  had  made. 

His  followers  increased  the  Spanish  population 
of  New  Granada.  The  women  he  brought  found 
husbands.  His  seeds  were  sown  and  yielded 
abundant  crops.  Captain  Jeromino  Aguayo  reaped 
the  first  harvest  of  wheat,  and  Elvira  Gutierrez, 
wife  of  Juan  de  Montalvo,  was  the  first  woman 
who  baked  wheaten  bread. 

Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada,  still  craving  for  gold, 
had  the  idea  of  a  search  for  El  Dorado  put  into  his'^ 
head.  A  young  adventurer  named  Montalvo  de 
Lugo,  a  relation  of  the  Adelantado,  had  arrived 
from  Venezuela,  and  reached  Bogota  after  having 
followed  the  route  of  Federman  through  the 
forests.  He  certainly  had  not  found  El  Dorado, 
but  he  had  theories  about  the  locahty  and  the 
direction  to  take.  He  excited  the  sordid  avarice  of 
Hernan  Perez  to  a  high  pitch,  and  the  Lieutenant- 
General  resolved  to  undertake  the  search  with  an 
expedition  on  a  large  scale.    But  he  added  tenfold 


\     ATROCITIES  OF  HERNAN  PEREZ  149 

to  his  crimes,  before  he  started,  by  committing 
several  cold-blooded  murders. 

Aquimin,  the  young  Zaque,  had  succeeded  his 
uncle  in  Httle  else  than  the  love  and  devotion  of 
his  people.  When  the  Captain  Suarez  Rondon^ 
founded  the  Spanish  city  of  Tunja,  seventy-five  miles 
north-east  of  Bogota,  he  had  seized  the  Zaque's 
palace  and  land  to  divide  amongst  the  new  citizens. 
This  was  on  August  6,  1539.  But  the  young 
Prince  had  shown  no  resentment  at  this  robbery, 
and  no  hostihty  to  the  Spaniards.  He  was  beloved 
by  the  people  for  his  charming  manner,  his  charity 
and  generosity.  Hernan  Perez  resolved  to  murder 
Aquimin,  the  last  of  the  Zaques,  and  he  came  to 
Tunja  and  had  him  seized  and  beheaded.  He  gave 
no  reason  except  that  it  was  as  well  to  make  all 
safe  while  he  was  away.  Even  the  hardened 
citizens  of  Bogota  and  Tunja  were  shocked  at  this 
cold-bloodeti  injustice,  and  when  Hernan  Perez  was 
struck  by  lightning  some  years  afterwards  it  was 
looked  upon  as  a  judgment.  Not  content  with  the 
murder  of  the  Zaque,  he  also  caused  to  be  killed 
the  chiefs  of    Samaca,   Turmeque,   Boyaca,   and 

*  The  name  Rondon  (a  watchman,  or  one  who  goes  the  romids) 
is  said  to  have  been  added  to  the  name  of  his  ancestor  by  King 
Alfonso  XI,  after  the  taking  of  Algesiras. 


150  SEARCH  FOR  EL  DORADO 

several  other  principal  men  of  the  Chibcha  nation. 
This  revolting  cruelty  causes  a  feeling  of  disgust 
and  loathing  for  the  perpetrator.  At  the  time,  the 
people  were  stunned  and  horrified  at  the  loss  of 
their  leaders.  It  was  a  calamity  from  an  historical 
point  of  view  because  the  murdered  chiefs  were 
those  who  knew  all  the  traditions  of  their  race. 
They  were  the  men  of  learning,  who  could  have 
handed  down  the  full  story  of  a  people,  fast 
advancing  in  civihsation,  to  posterity.  Now  it  is 
nearly  all  lost  to  us. 

Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada,  red-handed  with 
the  blood  of  murdered  men,  prepared  to  depart 
on  his  absurd  search  for  El  Dorado.  The  captain, 
Suarez  Rondon,  was  left  in  charge  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  new  kingdom  of  Granada.  Hernan 
Perez  took  with  him  200  Spaniards,  some  horses, 
and  a  number  of  unfortunate  Chibchas  as  porters. 
He  first  marched  to  the  country  of  the  Laches  and 
went  thence  down  into  the  eastern  forests,  turning 
to  the  south.  He  followed  much  the  same  route 
as  that  of  George  of  Spires,  suffering  the  same 
miseries  from  insects,  rains,  the  labour  of  forcing 
a  way  through  tangled  underwood,  and  famine 
caused  by  failure  of  provisions.  Many  died ;  the 
explorers  were  reduced  to  eating  the  horses.    At 


RETURN  OF  HERNAN  PEREZ       151 

last  they  were  obliged  to  kill  and  eat  a  favourite 
donkey  named  '  Marubare '  on  which  Father 
Requejada  rode.  The  poor  old  donkey  was  a  great 
traveller,  having  done  much  good  service  at  Santa 
Martha.  The  famished  party,  much  reduced  in 
numbers,  arrived  at  a  place  where  the  cordillera 
was  in  sight.  They  succeeded  in  reaching  it,  and 
at  length  arrived  at  Pasto,  whence  they  journeyed 
on  to  Bogota,  where  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada 
met  with  a  reception  he  httle  expected.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  origin  of  the  story  about 
El  Dorado  was  in  the  custom  of  gilding  the  chief 
at  the  Lake  of  Guatavita.  This  tradition  was 
wildly  exaggerated,  and  the  locahty  was  altered 
to  suit  the  whims  and  theories  of  insatiable  gold- 
seekers. 

In  the  unhappy  land  of  the  Chibchas  the  cruel 
exactions  of    the  Spanish    encomenderos    became 
more  and  more  intolerable.     The  chief  of  GuatavitaT 
rose  in  arms,  but  his  defeat  was  followed  by  a 
horrible  massacre.     The  people  began  to  hide  their 
wives   and  famihes  among  rocks  and  fastnesses, 
or  on  islands  in  lagoons  and  morasses.     Tundama,^' 
the  chief  of   Duitama,  was  the  bravest  and  most*^ 
resolute  of  the  Chibcha  patriots.     Very  few  leaders 
or  chiefs  had  survived,  and  to  him  alone  could  his 


152  THE  PATRIOT  CHIEF,  TUNDAMA 

countrymen  look — in  him  alone  was  there  a  vestige 
i/oi  hope  left.     The  Duitama  territory  had  been 
granted  in  encomienda  to  one  Baltasar  Maldonado. 
Tundama  fortified  an  island  in  the  Lake  of  Bonja, 
which  was  connected  with  the  mainland    by    a 
narrow  causeway.     Stakes,  sharpened  at  the  ends, 
were  placed  across  the  causeway,  and  along  that 
side  of  the  island.     The  other  side  was  beheved  to 
be  safe,  for  it  was  not  foreseen  that  the  water  would 
have  subsided  considerably,  making  it  fordable. 
The  brave  chief  let  Maldonado  know  that  he  and 
his  people  preferred  death  to  seeing  their  wives  and 
children   torn   by   bloodhounds,    and    themselves 
cruelly    tortured    when    unable     to     satisfy    the 
insatiable  avarice  of  their  oppressors.     Tundama 
did  not  wait  for  the  enemy  to  traverse  the  causeway, 
but  defended  the  entrance  to  it,  and,  after  a  des- 
perate fight,  the  Spaniards  were  defeated  and  had 
to  retreat.    Next  day  they  unfortunately  discovered 
that  the  lagoon  was  fordable  at  the  back  of  the 
island.     Wading  across  at   night,    they   attacked 
the  patriots  in  the  rear,  taking  them  entirely  by 
surprise,  and  overpowering  them.     There    was    a 
dreadful  massacre,  those  who  were  not  killed  by 
their  enemies  being  drowned  in  the  lake.     A  few, 
including  Tundama  himself,  escaped  by  swimming. 


THE  PATRIOT  CHIEF,  TUNDAMA  153 

The  brave  patriot  raised  another  force  of  his 
devoted  tribesmen,  and  continued  to  harass  the 
invaders.  But  at  last  he  became  despondent.  He 
could  see  no  hope.  Collecting  all  the  gold  he  could 
get  together  as  tribute,  he  went  to  Maldonado  and 
surrendered.  The  tribute  consisted  of  ornaments 
and  vessels.  The  ruffian  had  a  hammer  in  his  hand, 
to  smash  them  flat  before  weighing.  He  insisted 
on  more  being  brought.  Tundama  said  that 
there  was  no  more.  Some  words  followed,  and 
Maldonado  murdered  the  unarmed  chief  by  a  blow 
on  his  head  with  the  hammer.  Thus  perished  the 
brave  and  vaUant  patriot,  the  last  hope  of  the 
Chibcha  nation. 

Tundama's  heir  was  his  young  nephew.  The 
youth  was  seized,  and  tortured  to  divulge  the  place 
where  there  was  more  gold.  There  was  no  such 
place.  He  was  then  stripped  naked,  loaded  with 
chains,  driven  through  the  street  of  Duitama,  and 
then  thrown  into  prison.  He  committed  suicide, 
unable  to  survive  such  an  indignity. 

The  people  were  leaderless  and  crushed.  Yet, 
in  their  despair,  they  still  resisted.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  Tausa,  Suta,  and  Cucunuba  secretly  took 
their  wives  and  famihes,  with  provisions,  to  the 
rock  of  Tausa.    Huge  blocks  of  stone  were  heaped 


154  THE  LEAP  OF  OLALLA 

on  the  only  path  that  led  to  it.  On  the  other  sides 
there  were  sheer  precipices.  When  the  news  came 
to  Bogota,  a  hundred  Spaniards  were  sent  against 
the  fugitives.  Great  stones  were  hurled  down 
upon  them  from  above.  But  the  Spaniards 
were  well  led.  Advancing  in  single  file,  with  huge 
wooden  shields,  they  succeeded  in  reaching  a 
sort  of  shelf  above  the  position  of  the  Chibchas. 
Amongst  them  were  arquebusiers ;  for,  though  the 
original  supply  of  powder  had  run  out,  saltpetre 
and  other  ingredients  had  been  found  near  Tunja, 
and  a  fresh  supply  had  been  manufactured.  A 
fire  was  opened  on  the  women  and  children,  and 
under  its  cover  the  rest  of  the  Spaniards  dashed 
down  among  them,  to  slaughter  without  mercy. 
The  despairing  Indians  succeeded  in  hurhng  some 
of  the  Spaniards  over  the  tremendous  precipice. 
One  young  captain,  who  had  come  with  Federman, 
named  Olalla,  was  so  treated.  He  would  have  been 
dashed  to  pieces  if  his  fall  had  not  been  broken 
by  trees  and  underwood.  He  escaped  by  a  miracle, 
with  only  a  broken  leg  and  his  face  cut  by  his  own 
sword.  The  place  was  known  as  '  The  leap  of 
Olalla.'  Indescribable  horrors  followed.  There  was 
a  hideous  massacre,  and  many  threw  themselves 
over  the  precipice  to  escape  the  Spanish  knives. 


A  FORLORN  HOPE  155 

Again  there  was  desolation  and  despair,  crowds  of 
turkey- buzzards  and  other  birds  of  prey  gorging 
themselves  on  the  heaps  of  corpses. 

In  another  part  of  this  unhappy  land  the  people 
of  Simigaca  took  refuge  among  som^  lofty  rocks 
surrounded  at  their  bases  by  dense  underwood. 
In  the  first  attack  the  Spaniards  were  defeated,  but 
in  the  end  the  catastrophe  of  Tausa  was  repeated. 
The  poor  Chibchas  were  without  their  natural 
leaders.  Their  chiefs  had  all  been  murdered.  Yet 
they  made  several  desperate  attempts  to  obtain 
better  terms.  They  fell  at  last,  but  they  did 
not  fall  ingloriously.  In  the  end  of  1541  the 
people  of  Ocavita  and  Subachoque  rose.  The 
veteran  Captain  Cespedes  was  sent  against  Ocavita 
and  was  twice  defeated.  Subachoque  was  attacked 
by  Captain  Juan  Pineda,  but  the  inhabitants 
defended  themselves  with  such  courage  and  skill 
that  he  was  fcrced  to  retreat.  Captain  Suarez 
Rondon  then  came  in  person  with  his  whole  force  ; 
yet  treachery  and  not  valour  won  the  day.  One 
Alonso  Martin  sent  to  the  leader  of  the  Ocavitas, 
earnestly  requesting  him  to  grant  an  interview 
and  arrange  terms,  promising  to  come  alone  to 
meet  him.  The  chief  came  out,  trusting  to  the 
officer's  word.     Meanwhile  a  strong  force  of  soldiers 


156  HUMANE  SPANIARDS 

had  crept  up  among  the  bushes,  and,  as  the  confer- 
ence began,  they  rushed  into  the  stronghold  and 
threw  off  the  mask.  After  this  the  Chibchas  seem 
to  have  submitted,  sinking  into  slavery  and  black 
despair. 

The  phase  of  Spanish  character  shown  in  such 
a  lurid  hght  during  the  course  of  their  conquests 
in  South  America  was  not,  it  should  be  admitted, 
inherent  in  them  as  a  race.  It  is  to  be  attributed 
to  the  age.  The  most  cold-blooded  act  of  cruelty 
in  the  whole  record  was  due  to  the  German,  Alfinger. 
We  should  remember  the  number  of  humane  soldiers 
and  statesmen  among  these  conquerors  of  South 
America.  We  have  already  had  to  consider  the 
humanity  and  benevolence  of  Kodrigo  de  Bastidas, 
of  Lorenzo  de  Aldana,  of  Pascual  de  Andagoya,  of 
Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  of  Heredia,  and  of  Cieza  de 
Leon.  Not  a  few  more  names  can  be  added  to  the 
honourable  hst.  That  of  Serra  de  Leguisano  should 
always  be  remembered.  These  never  swerved  from 
the  advocacy  of  humane  treatment  of  the  natives. 
There  were  others  who,  although  not  without 
feelings  of  humanity,  were  mainly  influenced  by 
considerations  of  poKcy,  seeing  the  stupidity  and 
waste  caused  by  a  course  of  cruelty  and  oppression. 
They  sometimes  weakly  yielded   to   the   violent 


CRUELTY  OF  GOLD-SEEKERS  157 

pressure  of  their  followers.  In  this  category 
must  be  placed  Gonzalo  Jimenes  de  Quesada,  the 
discoverer  of  New  Granada. 

After  his  departure  there  was  a  carnival  of 
cruelty  in  New  Granada  until  all  the  wealth  had 
passed  into  the  hands  of  the  invaders.  The  next 
bloodsucker  would  have  to  bleed  the  Spaniards, 
for  the  unhappy  Chibchas  were  already  sucked  dry. 
He  was  on  his  way. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

QUESADA  DEPRIVED  OF  HIS  JUST  RIGHTS  BY  COURT 

FAVOUR 

GoNZALO  JiMENES  DE  QuESADA,  the  discoverer  of 
the  kingdom  of  New  Granada,  a  precious  jewel 
in  the  crown  of  Spain,  arrived  at  Seville  in  October, 
1539.  He  submitted  a  report  entitled  *  EfitoTne 
de  la  conquista  del  nuevo  reino  de  Granada/  It 
mainly  consists  of  a  description  of  the  country, 
its  inhabitants,  and  resoui-ces.^  He  also  brought 
with  him,  as  the  royal  fifths,  a  box  containing  567  ^ 
emeralds  and  11,000  pesos  of  pure  gold.  The 
emeralds,  arranged  in  sizes,  were  in  eight  paper 
parcels.  An  order  came  from  the  Court  that  they 
were  to  be  sent  at  once  to  Madrid.  Quesada's 
first  thought  was  to  see  his  parents  and  the  beautiful 
home  in  the  Vega  of  Granada  once  more.  He  then 
went  to  Court  to  ask  for  the  government  of  the^ 

^  It  was  sent  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  came  into  the  hands 
of  the  Cosmographer,  remaining  in  his  department.  It  is  now  in 
the  Archivo  Historico.  It  was  printed  by  Jimenes  de  la  Espada, 
in  his  pamphlet  on  Castellanos,  in  1889. 

158 


KETUKN  OF  QUESADA  159 

country  he  had  discovered.  He  found  that  an 
underhand  attack  was  organised  against  him  by 
the  spread  of  slanders  and  fake  statements.  Itc/ 
was  said  that  he  was  so  unmannerly  as  to  appear  in 
a  coloured  dress  when  the  Court  was  in  mourning 
for  the  Empress  ;  ^  that  he  had  improperly  kept 
back  for  himself  much  of  the  gold  and  emeralds ; 
that  he  had  been  found  illegally  playing  at  dice 
in  a  hostelry  ;  and  other  such  rumours  were  spread 
by  an  enemy  who  soon  came  out  into  the  open. 

At  that  time  the  Licentiate  Gonzalo  Jimenes 
de  Quesada  was  a  man  of  forty,  rather  bald,  but 
with  a  fine  presence  and  courteous  bearing. 
Though  fond  of  the  society  of  ladies  he  was  rather 
careless  of  the  conventionalities  of  the  Court, 
being  conscious  of  his  own  merits.  But  it  must 
be  remembered  that  these  qualities  appeared 
after  he  had  brought  to  a  conclusion  one  of  the 
finest  achievements  connected  with  the  Spanish 
conquests,  without  unnecessary  bloodshed  and, 
except  in  one  case,  without  causing  outrage  to  an 

^  Castellanos  repeats  one  of  these  fabrications.  It  was  said  that, 
although  the  Court  was  in  mourning  for  the  Empress,  who  had  only- 
been  dead  six  months,  Quesada  came  in  a  scarlet  dress  covered  with 
gold  lace  and  fringe.  The  Emperor's  Secretary,  Francisco  de  los 
Cobos,  saw  him  enter  the  courtyard  from  a  wind6w,  and  exclaimed : 
*  What  madmaja  is  that  ?    Turn  him  out  I  * 


160  CLAIM  OF  QUESADA 

honest  conscience.  The  riches  he  made  were  for 
the  Crown  and  for  others.  Poor  he  went  to  his 
work  of  discovery,  and  poor  he  returned  from 
the  kingdom  he  had  given  to  the  Crown  of 
Spain. 

The  claim  of  Quesada  came  before  the  Council 
of  the  Indies  in  due  course.  He,  however,  had  a 
too  powerful  rival.  Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo,  it  may- 
be remembered,  committed  a  theft  of  an  excep- 
tionally disgraceful  character,  for  he  stole  the  gold 
from  his  comrades  and,  still  worse,  frorb.  his  own 
father  who  was  left  in  distress  and  embarrassment. 
His  father  sent  home  evidence  of  the  theft, 
with  a  request  that  the  villainy  might  be  punished. 
The  thief  was  imprisoned  by  the  authorities  in 
Spain,  but  not  for  long.  On  the  arrival  of  the  news 
of  his  father's  death,  the  villain  became  hereditary 
Adelantado  of  the  Canary  Islands  and  Governor 
of  Santa  Martha — a  post  which  had  been  granted 
for  two  Uves.  He  claimed  that  Quesada's  dis- 
covery of  New  Granada  was  part  of  the  Santa 
Martha  territory.  The  matter  of  the  theft  was 
hushed  up.  For  Lugo  had  married  Doiia  Beatriz 
de  Norona  y  Mendoza,  and  she'  was  a  sister  of 
Maria  de  Mendoza  who  was  the  wife  of  Francisco 
de  los  Cobos,  Comendador  Mayor  de  Leon,  and  the 


DEFENCE  OF  QUESADA  161 

all-powerful  Secretary  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 
Against  such  interest,  quite  unscrupulously  used, 
the  case  of  Quesada  stood  no  chance. 

Yet  the  shamefully  used  discoverer  was  not 
wholly  without  friends  in  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
A  statement  was  signed  by  the  Cardinal  Arch- 
bishop of  Seville,  the  Bishop  of  Lugo,  the  Count  of 
Osorno  and  some  others,  in  which  it  was  represented 
that  Quesada  made  the  conquest  by  exposure  to 
great  dangers,  hardships,  and  privations ;  that 
he  conducted  the  enterprise  as  a  God-fearing 
Christian  without  injuring  anyone,  either  Spaniard 
or  Indian ;  that  the  Adelantado,  Lugo,  trusted  him 
more  than  his  own  son,  for  the  many  high  quahties 
he  found  in  him  ;  that  he  brought  back  great  store 
of  gold  and  emeralds :  for  these  reasons,  and 
because  Don  Luis  de  Lugo  is  married  and  not  so 
well  fitted  to  rule  over  Spaniards  and  Indians, 
the  charge  should  be  given  to  the  Licentiate 
Quesada.  No  complaint  of  him  had  come,  but 
many  petitions  that  he  might  be  appointed.  He 
was  the  son  of  afa  eminent  jurist,  an  advocate 
in  the  High  Court  at  Granada,  and  it  seemed 
a  great  injustice  not  to  reward  such  services 
because  once,  by  chance,  he  played  at  dice 
with  another    licentiate,    his    countryman,    in    a 


162  PERSECUTION  OF  QUESADA 

hostelry  at  Madrid.    Besides,  it  was  only  for  small 
stakes.^ 

All  was  of  no  avail.  The  ladies  were  all- 
powerful  with  the  Secretary,  and  the  Secretary 
was  all-powerful  with  the  Emperor.  On  the  tenth 
of  September  1540,  Charles  V  appointed  the  most 
unfit  and  the  most  undeserving  man  in  all  Spain 
to  be  Governor  and  Adelantado  of  Santa  Martha 
and  the  new  kingdom  of  Granada,  in  place  of  the 
discoverer  whose  great  services  were  ignored.  The 
order  is  dated  at  Brussels.  Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo 
made  his  preparations  and  sailed  from  Cadiz  in 
the  following  December. 

The  Secretary,  Cobos,  continued  his  persecution 
of  Quesada  by  spreading  and  encouraging  false// 
reports  about  him,  and  by  using  Villalobos,  the 
Fiscal  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  as  his  tool. 
Quesada  was  accused  of  disembarking  at  Malaga 
that  he  might  conceal  large  quantities  of  gold: 
at  least,  his  landing  there  was  considered  suspi- 
cious. Next  Villalobos  trumped  up  some  false  claim 
of  old  standing,  and  demanded  12,000  ducats. 
When  Quesada  went  to  France  he  was  accused  of 

^  The  dignitaries  of  the  Church  and  others,  who  signed  this 
report  in  favour  of  Quesada,  are  said  to  have  been  open  to  bribery. 
It  is  very  likely.  But  there  are  no  grounds  for  supposing  that  they 
were  bribed  on  this  occasion. 


PERSECUTION  OF  QUESADA  163 

going  there  because  the  price  of  emeralds  was 
higher  in  France.  Stories  were  told  of  the  reckless 
way  in  which  he  spent  the  riches  he  had  improperly 
acquired.  It  was  said  that  he  was  put  in  prison 
at  Lisbon  for  wearing  an  embroidered  shirt,  and 
that  when  he  was  let  out  he  gave  the  jailer's  wife 
100  ducats.  Also  that,  playing  at  dice  with 
Hernando  Pizarro  and  another  at  Madrid,  when 
his  friends  gave  small  coins  to  the  girl  who  waited 
on  them,  he  poured  two  handfuls  of  ducats  into 
her  apron.     These  Hes  were  busily  circulated. 

The  real  Quesada  was  very  differently  employed. 
He  travelled,  to  escape  persecution,  in  France  and 
Italy  and  in  Portugal,  and  he  was  occupied  a 
good  deal  in  hterary  pursuits.  Among  other 
essays  which  are  lost,  he  wrote  a  review  of  the 
history  of  Paulo  Jovio  in  Latin,  because  *  he  was 
grieved  to  see  such  a  good  style  and  so  Httle 
truth,  nor  could  he  suffer  so  much  abuse  and 
discourtesy  of  the  Spanish  nation,  without  answer- 
ing it."  It  was  upwards  of  ten  years  before 
the  great  discoverer  was  allowed  to  return  to 
New  Granada.  He  did  so  in  1550,  in  company 
with  the  judges  of  the  new  High  Court  of 
Justice,  with  the  title  of  Marshal,  but  without 
any  jurisdiction. 

M  2 


164  LUIS  DE  LUGO 

Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo  went  to  his  government 
with  the  sole  object  of  plunder.  When  he  arrived 
at  the  pearl  fishery  at  Rio  de  la  Hacha  he  demanded 
a  twelfth  as  his  perquisite  as  Governor  of  Santa 
Martha.  Castellanos,  the  Royal  Treasurer,  refused 
to  allow  the  chest  containing  the  pearls  to  be 
opened,  and  refused  to  give  up  the  keys.  At  last 
Lugo  found  the  key  in  a  small  purse  hidden  in 
the  Treasurer's  nether  garment.  The  plunderer 
then  opened  the  chest  and  took  what  he  chose ; 
while  the  Treasurer  wrote  a  complaint  to  the 
Council  of  the  Indies. 

Lugo  did  not  go  to  Santa  Martha,  but  he  sent 
some  of  his  officers  there  to  procure  boats  and  bring 
them  up  the  River  Magdalena  to  a  point  where  he 
was  to  join  them,  coming  by  land.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  he  was  ashamed  to  go  to  Santa 
Martha.  Such  a  man  as  Lugo  was  incapable  of 
any  feelings  of  that  kind.  He  landed  in  the  valley 
of  Upar  and  had  to  fight  his  way,  through  hostile 
tribes,  to  the  banks  of  the  Magdalena,  where  he 
found  his  boats  ;  nor  did  his  dijSiculties  end  there, 
for  in  working  his  way  up  the  river  he  was  sub- 
jected to  incessant  attacks. 

The  cause  of  those  attacks  is  not  without  its 
romantic  side.     The  Spaniards  of  Santa  Martha, 


FEANCESQUILLO  165 

in  one  of  their  raids  on  the  river,  had  captured  a 
Kttle  Indian  boy,  a  very  clever  Httle  boy,  so  clever 
that  they  would  have  been  wiser  if  they  had  left 
him  alone.  He  was  brought  up  as  a  servant, 
whipped  and  ill-treated,  and  christened  Frances- 
quillo.  One  day  he  was  missing.  He  had  escaped 
to  the  river  and  proved  to  be  a  genius  of  a  kind. 
For  he  almost  immediately  gained  an  extraordinary 
influence  over  the  tribes  of  the  Magdalena.  He 
was  barely  sixteen  years  of  age,  yet  thousands  of 
Indians  were  ready  to  obey  him.  Francesquillo 
gave  Lugo  an  unconomonly  disagreeable  time  during 
his  ascent  of  the  Magdalena,  and  subjected  his 
party  to  heavy  loss.  With  any  number  of  canoes 
at  his  disposal,  the  audacious  boy  organised  an 
attack  almost  every  day,  pouring  showers  of 
poisoned  arrows  into  the  laden  boats. 

At  last  Lugo's  party  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Opon,  and  he  made  the  ascent  of  the  mountains 
with  much  loss  and  difficulty.  When  he  reached 
Velez,  he  was  acknowledged  as  Governor,  and 
travelling  thence  to  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  he 
assumed  command,  at  once  superseding  Captain 
Suarez  Kondon.  The  expedition  of  Lugo  brought  y. 
thp.  fi^-st  cattle,  which  rapidly  multipHed  on  the 
rich  pastures  of  Bogota  and  Tunja. 


166  MISRULE  OF  LUIS  DE  LUGO 

Lugo  had  come  for  plunder,  and  he  began  at 
once.  It  is  not  altogether  without  a  feeling  of 
satisfaction  that  we  see  the  robbers  and  plunderers 
of  the  Chibchas  robbed  and  plundered  in  their 
turn.  They  had  sucked  the  unhappy  natives  dry, 
and  now  they  were  to  undergo  the  same  process 
themselves.  Lugo  may  be  compared  with  the 
robber  skua. 

The  new  Governor's  first  act  was  to  arrest  his 
predecessor,  Captain  Suarez  Rondon,  and  throw 
him  into  prison,  confiscating  the  whole  of  his 
property.  This  brought  him  in  50,000  ducats. 
His  next  proceeding  was  to  recall  all  the  encomienda 
grants  on  the  plea  that  they  were  not  in  correct 
legal  form,  and  that  they  must  be  made  anew. 
In  the  interval,  which  he  made  a  long  one,  he  sent 
his  agents  round  to  extort  the  tribute  for  himself. 

When  Hernan  Perez  de  Quesada  returned 
from  his  wanderings  in  the  Amazonian  forests,  any- 
one with  a  spark  of  humanity  would  have  received 
him  with  a  show  of  hospitable  treatment.  Lugo 
was  devoid  of  any  such  feeling.  He  at  once 
closely  confined  him  in  a  prison,  and  shut  up  his 
brother  Francisco,  who  had  just  arrived  from 
Peru,  in  another  prison.  Eventually  he  banished 
the   two    brothers,    and    they    went    down    the 


RETURN  OF  LUIS  DE  LUGO  167 

Magdalena  to  the  coast.  When  on  board  a  ship 
bound  for  San  Domingo  they  were  both  killed  by 
lightning. 

After  more  than  three  years  of  robbery  and 
spoliation,  this  precious  Adelantado  Luis  Alonso 
de  Lugo,  received  the  news  that  the  inevitable 
Juez  de  Residencia  was  on  his  way  to  take  him 
to  account.  So  he  resolved  to  evade  the  investiga- 
tion by  returning  to  Spain.  He  carried  ofi  300,000 
ducats  in  gold,  and  took  Captain  Suarez  Kondon 
and  some  others  as  prisoners.  Having  bought  a 
ship  at  Santa  Martha  for  his  voyage  to  Spain,  he 
touched  at  the  pearl  fishery  at  Eio  de  la  Hacha. 
The  authorities  there  detained  the  vessel  until 
Lugo  had  refunded  the  value  of  the  pearls  he  had 
stolen  on  his  way  out.  They  also  caused  Suarez 
Rondon  and  the  other  prisoners  to  be  liberated, 
as  Lugo  was  quite  capable  of  murdering  them  on 
the  voyage  home,  lest  he  should  have  to  refund 
any  of  their  property.  Lugo  arrived  in  Spain, 
and  all  his  misdeeds  were  condoned  through  the 
influence  of  the  two  ladies  who  were  powerful 
enough  to  induce  the  Secretary  Cobos  to  represent 
things  to  the  Emperor  in  a  false  light.  It  is  as- 
tounding that  such  a  miscreant  should  have  been 
allowed   to   follow   his    career    of    robbery    with 


168  INFAMY  OF  LUIS  DE  LUGO 

impunity.  It  is  still  more  wonderful  that  the  wild 
soldiery  in  South  America  should  have  been  such 
venerators  of  authority,  and  so  law-abiding  as  to 
tolerate  Lugo's  exactions. 

It  was  not  due  to  ignorance  that  the  Secretary 
and  the  Emperor  allowed  this  oppressor  to  commit 
the  crimes  of  which  he  was  guilty.  Las  Casas,  the 
protector  of  the  Indians,  took  good  care  of  that. 

Las  Casas  wrote  the  following  letter  to  the 
Emperor  Charles  V,  from  San  Domingo  in  1544.^ 

*  One  of  the  most  cruel  tyrants  and  the  most 
irrational  and  bestial,  with  little  brain  and  less 
conscience  than  Barbarossa,  is  Luis  Alonso  de 
Lugo.  They  say  that  he  is  a  brother-in-law  of 
the  Comendador  de  Leon's  ^  wife,  Dona  Maria 
de  Mendoza.  This  tyrant  has  done  out  there  the 
same  things  that  he  did  when  his  father  was  ahve, 
and  more  incredible  things  still.  For  he  has  had 
absolute  command  of  time  and  place.  He  has 
now  done  what  I  told  your  Majesty  and  the  same 
Comendador  Mayor,  and  to  all  the  Court  he  would 
do.  I  am  satisfied  with  this  prophecy.  He  has 
robbed  God's  honour,  he  has  robbed  your  Majesty, 

*  In  the  ArcMvos  Hist.  National,  dated  September  15,   1544. 
Printed  by  E^pada  in  his  review  of  Castellanos. 

*  Francisco  de  los  Cobos,  the  Emperor's  Secretary. 


END  OF  LUIS  DE  LUGO  169 

he  has  been  able  to  skin  both  Indians  and  Christians, 
not  leaving  a  single  feso  in  all  the  kingdom  of  New 
Granada  that  he  has  not  stolen  for  himself.  We 
shall  see  who  will  give  the  strict  account  God  will 
require.  I  truly  beheve  that  the  hardest  and 
most  rigorous  will  be  that  which  the  Comendador 
must  give,  and  those  of  the  Council  who  had  so  much 
respect  for  his  wishes.  They  knew  what  manner 
of  man  Don  Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo  was,  from  the 
evidence  in  the  process  which  his  own  father 
instituted  against  him.  Knowing  all  this,  they 
yet  gave  the  knife  of  justice  to  a  man  so  bad  as 
this  man.  As  the  Licentiate  Cerrato  has  sent  your 
Majesty  an  account  of  his  wicked  deeds,  I  do  not 
desire  to  say  more." 

This  is  certainly  a  damning  indictment  of  the 
shamelessly  corrupt  practice  of  Secretary  Cobo 
under  the  influence  of  his  wife  and  sister-in-law. 
The  man  himself  must  have  had  an  amount  of 
audacious  assurance,  which  is  perfectly  astounding, 
and,  it  must  be  assumed,  some  outward  grace  of 
manner  which  endeared  him  to  those  powerful 
ladies  of  the  Court  of  Charles  V.  He  was  also  a 
favourite  of  Prince  Philip  and  of  the  Duke  of  Alva. 

Lugo  was  not  only  allowed  to  evade  justice  and 
retain  his  plunder,  but  he  received  an  excellent 


170  END  OF  LUIS  DE  LUGO 

appointment.  He  was  given  the  command  of 
3000  well-trained  soldiers  to  restore  order  in  the 
Island  of  Corsica.  He  was  afterwards  stationed 
at  Naples  and  at  Sienna.  He  then  appears  to 
have  gone  to  Flanders  where  he  died,  probably  at 
Ghent.  1 

This  was  the  man  who  was  allowed  to  deprive 
Quesada  of  his  just  reward  for  the  discovery  of 
New  Granada. 

Lugo's  descendants  had  the  assurance  to  clamour 
for  money  they  claimed  to  be  due  to  him,  and 
litigation  was  carried  on  by  his  grand-daughter, 
the  Princess  of  Asculi,  until  1592.^ 


^  Viera  y  Clavijo  and  Piedrahita  say  that  he  died  in  Flanders, 
the  latter  naming  Ghent.    Simon  says  Milan. 

^  Luis  Alonso  de  Lugo,  by  his  wife  Beatriz  de  Norofia  y  Mendoza, 
had  two  children  :  (1)  Luis  Alonso  Fernandez  de  Lugo,  married  to 
Maria  de  Castilla.  He  was  bewitched,  and  died  young  and  childless. 
He  was  sumamed  '  The  Beautiful.'  (2)  Luisa,  married  to  Nicolo 
Marini,  Duke  of  Terra  Nova,  and  had  a  daughter  Porcia  Madalena, 
married  to  Antonio  Luis  de  Leyva,  fourth  Prince  of  AscuK.  She  had 
four  sons :  (1)  Antonio,  (2^  Jorge,  (3)  Luis,  (4)  Pedro  Fernandez. 


CHAPTEE  XIV 

THE  NEW  LAWS 

There  was  still  an  important  but  difficult  piece  of 
work  to  be  achieved  for  the  encomenderos  of  New 
Granada.  The  sources  of  gold  were  reported  to*f 
be  on  the  other  side  of  the  River  Magdalena,;  ■, 
and  the  fierce  tribe  of  Panches  barred  the  way.j 
It  was  a  young  but  very  able  and  judicious 
officer  named  Hernan  Venegas  who  solved  this 
difficulty. 

Venegas  equipped  a  small  force,  consisting 
mainly  of  infantry,  but  with  some  cavalry  and 
bloodhounds,  and  left  Bogota  to  discover  the  gold- 
mines. He  descended  the  slopes  of  the  cordillera 
as  far  as  the  junction  of  the  River  Vituimita  with 
a  stream  flowing  down  a  deep  ravine.  Here  he 
encountered  the  army  of  the  Panches  under  their 
chief,  Siquima.  There  was  a  fierce  encounter; 
but  the  Panches,  who  did  not  fear  the  horses,  were 

terrified  by  the  bloodhoimds,  and   fled   to    their 

171    . 


172  REDUCTION  OF  THE  PANCHES 

heights.  Venegas  then  sent  a  message  to  Siquima 
asking  him  for  terms.  The  chief  consented  to 
allow  the  Spaniards  to  pass  down  to  the  Magdalena 
without  further  molestation. 

Venegas  succeeded  in  collecting  canoes,  in 
which  his  followers  crossed  the  Magdalena ;  and 
he  was  guided  by  a  native  to  a  river,  which  was 
named  the  Venadillo  because  the  inhabitants  on  its 
banks  had  domesticated  some  small  deer.  Near 
it,  the  Spaniards  discovered  the  gold- washings  and 
diggings  which  were  the  object  of  the  expedition. 
Venegas  returned  to  Bogota.  The  next  point 
was  to  reduce  the  Panches ;  for  with  this  warhke 
tribe  in  the  way,  and  always  hostile,  the  gold-mines 
would  be  useless. 

Venegas  set  out  with  seventy  men,  horse  and 
foot ;  but  he  had  to  fight  a  desperate  battle  with  the 
Panches,  in  which  he  was  certainly  not  the  victor. 
He  gave  up  the  plan  of  a  front  attack  and  direct 
fighting,  and  resolved  to  deal  with  them  by  a 
system  of  strategy  directed  to  their  flank  and  rear. 
With  this  object  he  began  to  negotiate  with  cognate 
tribes  in  and  near  the  valley  of  the  Magdalena. 
The  Panches  occupied  the  slopes  of  the  cordillera 
for  about  ninety  miles  with  a  breadth  of  ten 
or  twelve,  and  were  supposed  to  number  50,000 


BY  HERNAN  VENEGAS  173 

fighting-men.  To  the  north  were  the  Cohmas — a 
still  fiercer  race  ;  and  to  the  south,  the  Sutagaos. 
The  Tocaimas,  on  the  Magdalena  and  Pati,  were 
more  peacefully  inclined;  but  the  neighbouring 
tribes — Suitamas,  Lachimis,  and  Anapuimas — 
were  more  warUke. 

Passing  the  Lachimis,  Venegas  was  successful 
in  making  an  alUance  with  the  chief  of  the  Suitamas 
named  Guacana  who,  after  taking  counsel  with  his 
old  men,  decideti  on  receiving  the  Spaniards,  and 
sending  them  presents.  Venegas  then  resolved  to 
found  a  city  on  the  river  Pati,  the  same  as  the 
Funza,  only  below  the  magnificent  Tequendama 
Falls.  This  was  in  April  1544.  Guacana  gave  his 
consent,  and  the  new  city  received  the  name  of 
Tocaima.  The  Lachimis  and  Anapuimas  were 
hostile.  A  combined  army  of  Spaniards  and 
Suitamas  marched  against  them,  and  they  were 
entirely  defeated.  Spanish  influence  was  firmly 
estabhshed  along  this  part  of  the  Magdalena,  and 
Venegas  gained  his  object — which  was  to  work 
round  the  rear  of  the  Panches,  and  cut  them  ofE 
from  their  markets.  Those  dwellers  in  mountain 
fastnesses  were  more  or  less  dependent  on  the 
markets  for  their  existence.  Especially,  they  were 
unable  to  exist  without  salt,  and  of  that  necessary 


174  PEDEO  DE  UESUA 

of  life  they  were  entirely  deprived.  It  was  thus 
that  the  indoroitable  warriors  were  reduced  to 
submission,  and  the  sldlful  management  of  the 
campaign  reflects  great  credit  on  the  abihty  and 
skill  with  which  young  Venegas  conducted  it. 

Lugo,  when  he  fled  from  justice,  had  left  a 
relation,  named  Montalvo  de  Lugo,  in  charge  of 
the  government  of  New  Granada.  But  the  Juez 
de  Residencia,  Dr.  Miguel  Diaz  de  Armendariz, 
had  already  arrived.  He  was  detained  on  the  coast 
for  some  time,  taking  the  residencia  at  Cartagena. 
He  therefore  sent  his  nephew,  a  gallant  and  very 
handsome  young  knight  of  Pampluna,  named 
Pedro  de  Ursua,  to  take  charge  until  his  arrival 
at  Bogota.  Ursua  was  well-intentioned,  but  too 
young.  He  was,  however,  accompanied  by  an 
experienced  adviser  in  the  person  of  the  veteran 
Captain  Suarez  Rondon,  who  bad  escaped  from 
Lugo  at  the  pearl  fishery.  On  their  arrival  at 
Bogota,  Montalvo  de  Lugo  was  arrested  and  Ursua 
assumed  the  government. 

Soon  afterwards  Miguel  Diaz  Armendariz,  the 
Juez  de  Residencia,  arrived  at  Bogota.  He  was 
commissioned  not  only  to  make  a  strict  scrutiny 
of  previous  administrations,  but  also  to  pubhsh 
the  Ne^sJ-aws  for  the  protection  of  the  Indians. 


THE  NEW  LAWS  175 

The  representations  of  Friar  Bartolome  de  las 
Casas  respecting  the  cruel  treatment  of  the  Indians, 
which  was  causing  a  rapid  diminution  of  the 
populations  in  South  America,  at  length  aroused 
the  anxious  attention  of  the  Government  of 
Charles  V.  Several  councillors  of  great  weight 
and  experience  advised  caution,  for  many  grants 
had  already  been  made  and  their  revocation  would 
cause  great  discontent  and  probably  rebeUion. 
But  the  statements  of  Las  Casas  were  corroborated 
by  persons  who  returned  from  the  Indies,  on 
whose  truth  and  good  faith  rehance  could  be 
placed.  Many  orders  and  decrees  had  been  sent 
out  for  the  protection  of  the  Indians,  and  had 
been  invariably  ignored.  Charles  V  now  ordered 
the  New  Laws  to  be  very  solemnly  pubHshed  and 
enforced. 

It  was  of  no  use.  The  fact  was  that  it  was  too 
late.  The  harm  had  been  done*  Grants  had  been 
made.  The  beasts  of  prey  had  their  teeth  firmly 
fixed  in  the  flesh  of  their  victims  and  could  not  be 
beaten  off.  In  Mexico  there  was  a  statesmanHke 
Viceroy  who  saw  this.  He  suspended  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  New  Laws  imtil  they  could  be 
reconsidered,  and  they  were  never  enforced.  In 
Peru,  a  Viceroy  was  sent  out  to  enforce  the  New 


176  THE  NEW  LAWS 

Laws.  He  was  devoid  of  judgment  or  tact. 
The  consequence  was  that  there  was  a  formidable 
rebelUon,  the  Viceroy  was  driven  out  of  the  country 
which  was  nearly  lost  to  Spain,  and  the  New  Laws 
became  a  dead  letter.  There  was  a  burst  of  furious 
discontent  everywhere.  Yet  the  New  Laws  were 
admirably  framed,  and  the  humane  intentions  of 
the  Emperor  and  his  advisers  deserve  the  warmest 
recognition. 

It  was  enacted  that  the  tribunals  should  make 
it  their  particular  care  that  the  Lidians  were  well 
treated,  and  that  their  disputes  were  decided  not 
by  ordinary  law,  but  according  to  their  own  usages 
and  customs. 

*  That  no  Indian  is  to  be  made  a  slave,  either 
owing  to  being  taken  in  war,  or  in  rebelHon,  or  for 
ransom,  or  on  any  other  pretence  whatever ;  but 
that  they  are  to  be  treated  as  free  men,  and  vassals 
of  the  royal  Crown  of  Castille. 

'  That  no  person  may  oblige  any  Indian  to  serve, 
in  any  way  whatever,  against  his  will. 

'  That  the  Tribunals,  without  any  trial,  but  only 
on  ascertaining  the  fact,  shall  set  at  hberty  the 
Indians  who  have  been  slaves,  if  the  persons  who 
hold  them  in  servitude  cannot  show  a  title  to  prove 
that  they  hold  them  legally  ;  and  the  judges  shall 


THE  NEW  LAWS  177 

appoint  a  suitable  person  to  take  the  part  of  the 
Indians. 

•'  That  the  Indians  shall  not  carry  loads,  and  if  in 
any  part  they  cannot  be  excused,  the  weight  is  to 
be  moderate,  and  not  such  as  to  endanger  Hfe  or 
health  ;  and  they  are  to  be  paid  for  their  work,  and 
must  do  it  of  their  own  free  wills. 

'  That  no  one  employed  by  the  King,  nor  by 
monasteries,  priests,  or  religious  fraternities  shall 
hold  Indians  in  encomienda,  and  those  they  hold 
are  to  be  made  vassals  of  the  Crown.  If  anyone 
offers  to  resign  rather  than  lose  his  Indians,  it  is 
not  to  be  allowed. 

*  All  persons  who  hold  Indians  without  a  title, 
but  only  by  their  own  authority,  shall  give  them  up 
as  vassals  of  the  Crown. 

*  As  it  is  understood  that  the  grants  made  to  some 
are  excessive,  the  Judges  shalh  reduce  such  grants 
to  an  honest  and  moderate  amount,  the  excess 
being  vested  in  the  Crown. 

*If  any  Encomenderos  deserve  deprivation  by 
reason  of  their  ill-treatment  of  the  Indians,  their 
property  shall  be  vested  in  the  Crown. 

Tor  no  reason  or  cause  whatever  shall  any 
Viceroy  or  Tribunal,  or  any  other  person,  be  em- 
powered to  grant  Indians  ;  and  on  the  death  of  any 


178  NEW  LAWS  PUBLISHED 

person  holding  them,  they  shall  be  free  as  vassals 
of  the  Crown.  If,  by  reason  of  the  services  of  the 
deceased  it  seems  proper  to  give  the  widow  and 
children  a  sustenance  allowance,  this  shall  be  done, 
by  the  Judges,  from  the  tribute  paid  by  the  Indians. 

'The  Judges  shall  take  great  care  that  the 
Indians  are  well  treated  and  taught  the  things 
pertaining  to  our  Holy  CathoHc  Faith. 

*  Those  who  are  making  discoveries  shall  assess 
the  tribute  to  be  paid  by  the  Indians  with  modera- 
tion, paying  attention  to  their  well-being,  and 
with  such  tribute  the  explorer  may  be  helped ; 
so  that  the  Castillians  shall  have  no  power  over 
any  Indian,  nor  rule  over  them,  and  this  is  to 
be  expressly  stipulated  in  all  new  discoveries.' 

Such  were  the  New  Laws.  The  object  was 
that  the  tribute,  or  land-tax,  hitherto  paid  to  the 
Encomenderos  and  to  an  excessive  amount,  should 
henceforth  be  moderate,  fixed  by  law,  and  paid  to 
the  Crown.  In  so  far  as  this  object  was  secured 
the  New  Laws  did  unmixed  good. 

When  the  Judge,  Armendariz,  arrived  in  Bogota, 
he  published  the  New  Laws  with  great  solemnity. 
At  once  there  was  a  howl  of  rage  and  discontent. 
Procurators  were  nominated  by  the  settlers  to  go 
to  Spain  and  petition  for  their  revocation,  especially 


PAMPLIJNA  FOUNDED  179 

the  clause  which,  precluded  the  widow  and  children 
from  succeeding  to  the  encomienda  of  the  deceased. 
Armendariz  wisely  suspended  the  execution  of  the 
New  Laws  until  the  result  of  the  mission  was 
known. 

Meanwhile,  expeditions  were  undertaken  and 
new  cities  were  founded.  Pedro  de  Ursua  was  eager 
to  undertake  an  enterprise  which  would  lead  to 
new  discoveries.  He  was  a  young  knight  who 
united  an  excellent  education  with  amiabihty, 
sweetness  of  temper,  and  proved  valour.  He 
assembled  a  force  of  140  men  at  Tunja,  with  Ortun 
Velasco,  an  experienced  soldier,  as  his  heutenant, 
and  in  1548  he  set  out,  through  the  country  of  the 
Laches,  to  explore  the  Cordilleras  to  the  north-east. 
His  expedition  met  with  some  success,  and  he 
founded  a  new  city,  named  Pampluna,  after  his 
native  place,  a  designation  which  it  has  retained 
to  the  present  day.  Ursua  was  afterwards  engaged, 
under  the  Viceroy  of  Peru,  to  lead  an  expedition 
down  the  great  Kiver  of  Amazons.  The  terrible 
story  of  his  murder,  and  of  the  mutiny  of  the 
monster,  Aguirre,  was  told  in  detail  by  the  Friar 
Pedro  Simon  in  his  'Noticias  Historiales,'i  but  it 

^  Translated  and  edited  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  the  volume 
entitled  The  Search  far  El  Dorado. 


180  THE  ROYAL  AUDIENCIA 

does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  the  New  Granada 
story.  Before  parting  from  his  uncle,  Ursua  led 
an  unsuccessful  expedition  against  the  fierce  Musos 
Indians,  who  were  not  finally  subdued  until  many 
years  afterwards.  Their  homes  were  north  of 
the  Cohmas,  and  a  valuable  emerald  mine  was 
afterwards  found  in  their  country. 

The  mission  of  the  Procurators  to  Spain  to 
petition  the  Emperor  that  the  New  Laws  might 
be  abrogated  only  met  with  partial  success.  They 
succeeded  in  getting  the  clause  annulled  which 
provided  that  the  widow  and  children  should  not 
succeed  to  the  encomienda  of  a  deceased  husband 
and  father.  The  grant  for  two  Hves  was  allowed  to 
be  re-enacted.  A  more  important  consequence  of 
the  mission  of  the  Procurators  from  New  Granada 
was  an  order  respecting  the  government  of  the 
country.  It  was  enacted  that  the  chief  judicial 
and  executive  power  should  be  entrusted  to  a 
royal  Audiencia  or  High  Court  of  Justice,  consisting 
of  three  Oidores  or  Judges.  They  were  nominated 
by  the  Emperor,  and  were  the  Licentiate  Mercado, 
a  lawyer  of  great  experience,  and  two  much  younger 
men  named  Gongora  and  Galarza.  They  were  to 
sail  for  South  America  in  1549.  They  took  out 
an  order  that  the  royal  Seal  was  to  be  received 


THE  ROYAL  SEAL  181 

as  if  it  had  been  the  Emperor  himself.  It  was 
to  enter  the  city  of  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  in 
procession,  on  a  richly  caparisoned  horse,  with  a 
canopy  borne  over  it  on  four  wands  or  poles  carried 
by  magistrates  on  horseback. 


CHAPTER  XV 

RETURN  AND  DEATH  OF  QUESADA,   WHICH 
COMPLETES  THE   STORY 

For  more  than  ten  long  years  the  illustrious 
discoverer  of  New  Granada  had  waited  for  that 
justice  which  came  at  last.  He  had  passed  his 
time  in  travelling  through  France  and  Italy,  in 
hterary  pursuits,  and  a  good  deal,  no  doubt,  with 
his  parents  at  their  home  in  Granada.  In  1549  his 
father  and  mother  were  probably  dead,  both  his 
brothers  had  been  killed  by  Hghtning,  his  sister 
was  married,  and  the  home  at  Granada  was  broken 
up.  He  began  to  long  for  his  former  active  Hfe  and 
to  re- visit  the  country  he  had  discovered,  though 
he  was  now  turned  fifty.  His  appHcation  to  the 
Emperor  was  favourably  considered.  There  was  a 
feeling  that  he  had  been  very  unjustly  treated,  and 
perhaps  some  regret.  Quesada  was  given  the  title 
of  Marshal,  and  afterwards  of  Adelantado,^  with 
leave  to  return  to  New  Granada,  where  he  was  to 

^  March  5,  1565. 
182 


QUESADA  AT   BOGOTA  183 

receive  a  pension  from  the  royal  treasury  at  Bogota. 
But  he  was  given  no  jurisdiction.  He  was  treated 
with  great  respect,  often  consulted,  sometimes 
employed  on  important  pubHc  business,  but  he 
was  never  given  the  actual  government  of  the 
country  he  discovered. 

Quesada  arranged  to  go  out  with  the  Judges  of 
the  Audiencia,  Some  Franciscan  and  Dominican 
friars  were  also  of  the  party.  Unfortunately,  the 
most  experienced  Judge,  the  Licentiate,  Mercado, 
died  at  Mompox  on  their  way  up  the  Magdalena. 
The  two  others,  Gongora  and  Galarza,  assumed  the 
executive  power  at  Bogota  in  conjunction  with 
Armendariz.  They  were  very  young  for  such  a 
position,  but  were  conciliatory,  efficient,  and 
humane  to  the  natives  so  far  as  that  was  compatible 
with  retaining  the  friendship  of  the  Encomenderos, 
for  they  were  very  popular.  Quesada  resided 
chiefly  at  Bogota,  occasionally  retiring  to  a  country 
house  at  Suesca.  Among  other  pubHc  employ- 
ments he  went  to  Cartagena,  at  the  request  of 
the  Judges,  to  hold  a  residencia. 

Several  expeditions  were  organised  by  the 
Audiencia  in  the  years  between  1550  and  1560. 
There  were  two  campaigns  against  the  Musos,  the 
most  fierce  of  the  native  tribes.     In  June  1550, 


'4^' 


184  QUESADA 

Andres  Galarza  was  sent  to  form  a  settler  »nt  near 
'the  gold- mines,  and  in  February  1551,  he  founded 
the  city  of  Jbague  in  a  charming  spot  near  the 
Magdalena  and  close  to  the  silver- mine  of  San 
Anton.  Mariquita  was  founded,  in  August  of  the 
same  year,  by  the  side  of  a  Kmpid  stream  of  cold 
water  flowing  from  the  cordillera,  in  the  midst  of 
lovely  scenery,  by  Francisco  Nunez  Pedroso.  It 
is  two  leagues  from  the  Magdalena.  There  was 
also  an  unsuccessful  expedition  into  the  eastern 
forests  in  search  of  gold,  led  by  Juan  de 
Avendano. 
'  When  the  Adelantado,  Gonzalo  Jimenes  de 
Quesada,  was  approaching  his  seventieth  year, 
unwarned  by  the  failure  of  his  brother  and  others, 
"^^he  imdertook  to  lead  an  expedition  in  search  of 
/  El  Dorado,  in  the  forests  to  the  eastward,  to  be 
equipped  at  his  own  expense.  It  would  seem 
that  this  wild  enterprise  originated  from  Spain, 
and  that  the  Adelantado,  Quesada,  had  a  hint  that 
he  would  receive  a  marquisate  if  he  succeeded. 

Francisco  Aguilar  contributed,  and  300,000 
pesos  de  oro  were  expended  before  the  expedition 
was  ready  to  start.  It  consisted  of  300  Spaniards, 
including  some  women,  and  1500  native  porters. 
Sickness  attacked  them  very  soon  after  entering 


AND  EL  DORADO  185 

the  forests.  There  were  many  deaths,  and  the 
invahds  were  allowed  to  return.  One  serious  loss 
was  that  of  the  priest,  Medrano,  who  died  of  fever. 
He  went  as  chronicler  of  the  expedition,  and  he  left 
behind,  in  manuscript,  a  history  of  the  discovery 
and  conquest  of  New  Granada  which  formed  the 
base  of  Friar  Pedro  Simon's  subsequent  history. 
In  spite  of  all  difficulties,  which  to  most  explorers 
would  have  been  insuperable,  Quesada  pressed 
onwards.  At  last  only  forty-five  men  were  left, 
and  he  allowed  twenty  to  return.  Still  the  intrepid 
old  veteran,  with  a  small  selected  band,  continued 
his  march  until  he  reached  the  banks  of  the  Guaviare 
near  its  junction  with  the  Orinoco.  This  is  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  journeys  on  record.  At  last 
Quesada  was  obHged  to  return  unsuccessful,  only 
because  success  was  impossible,  coming  back  to 
Bogota  deeply  in  debt.  He  had  been  absent  three 
years,  and  his  age  was  now  over  seventy-two. 

There  were  changes  in  the  government  of 
New  Granada.  A  judge  named  Montano  arrived 
as  Jiiez  de  Besideticia  and  arrested  Armendariz, 
who  was  sent  to  be  tried  in  Spain.  The  accusations 
against  him  were  disproved  and  he  was  coippletely 
exonerated.  He  then  entered  Holy  orders,  and 
died  a  canon  of  Siguenza.     The  two  other  judges. 


186  '  TRES  RATOS  DE  SUESCA  ' 

Gongora  and  Golarza,  were  also  arrested  and  sent 
for  trial  in  Spain,  by  Montano,  with  nothing  against 
them  except  their  friendship  for  Armendariz. 
Unluckily  they  embarked  in  the  same  ship  as  Don 
Pedro  de  Heredia,  the  Governor  of  Cartagena,  and 
were  drowned  in  the  shipwreck,  to  the  grief  of  the 
whole  New  Granada  Colony,  where  they  were 
deservedly  beloved.  The  Judge,  Montano,  with  a 
colleague  named  Briceno,  ruled  in  New  Granada 
for  several  years.  Montano  was  said  to  have  been 
a  harsh,  severe  man,  and  he  was  very  unpopular, 
but  he  has  the  merit  of  having  enforced  what 
remained  of  the  New  Laws  with  inflexible  justice. 
The  Adelantado,  Quesada,  had  written  his 
important  work  on  the  discovery  and  conquest  of 
New  Granada  before  his  journey  in  search  of 
El  Dorado,  for  a  hcence  to  print  it  was  given  on 
November  4,  1568.  It  was  entitled  *  Los  tres 
ratos  de  Suesca,'  because  it  was  written  during 
three  hoUdays  [ratos)  at  his  country  house  of  Suesca. 
It  consisted,  we  are  told  by  Simon,  of  three  books, 
but,  though  a  Ucence  was  given,  it  was  never 
pubhshed,    and    the  precious  manuscript  is  lost.^ 

^  Don  Marcos  Jimenez  de  la  Espada,  in  a  note  to  his  review  of 
Castellanos,  says  that  the  manuscript  of  Los  tres  ratos  de  Suesca 
was  in  the  library  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  but  disappeared  in  the 
first  third  of  the  nineteenth  century.    In  a  letter  of  the  distinguished 


QUESADA'S  LAST  SERVICE  187 

A  few  years  before  his  death,  Quesada  wrote  a 
report  on  the  merits  and  fortunes  of  the  fifty-three 
surviving  companions  who  were  with  him  at  the 
conquest  of  New  Granada.  It  has  been  preserved, 
and  there  is  a  copy  among  the  Munoz  MSS.^ 
Quesada  also  wrote  some  sermons  to  be  preached 
on  the  festival  of  Our  Lady. 

In  1573  there  was  a  rebelUon  of  a  coaUtion  of 
Indians  in  the  valley  of  the  Magdalena,  under 
Yuldama,  chief  of  the  GuaUes.  The  judges,  re- 
quested the  Adelantado,  Quesada,  to  take  command 
of  an  expedition  to  restore  order.  The  loyal  old 
veteran  undertook  the  duty,  and  marched  to 
Mariquita  with  seventy  men.  He  surprised  the 
insurgent  chief,  who  died  fighting,  and  the  rebelHon 
was  quelled.  This  was  the  last  service  of  the 
Adelantado. 

As  age  advanced,  Quesada  was  attacked  by  some 
cutaneous  disease,  and  he  went  to  Tocaima  to  be 
near  the  sulphur- baths,  where  he  Hved  for  several 


Argentine  Aurelio  Prado  y  Rojas,  dated  Madrid,  August  30,  1878, 
it  is  stated  that  in  an  excursion  he  made  into  the  north  of  Spain 
he  met  a  Senor  de  Salamanca,  who  said  that  he  possessed  a  MS.  of 
Quesada  and  wished  to  publish  it,  but  that  he  had  not  the  means. 
Don  Aurelio  died  soon  after  he  wrote  the  letter.  The  MS.  is  believed 
to  be  the  Tres  Ratos,  which  may  still  exist. 
See  Appendix  II. 


188  DEATH  OF  QUESADA 

years.  Towards  the  end,  he  removed  to  Mariquita  ^ 
where,  surrounded  by  lovely  scenery,  he  died  on 
February  16,  1579,  aged  eighty.  He  left  no 
children,  and  his  brothers  were  also  childless.  His 
representatives  and  heirs  were  the  descendants  of 
his  sister,  two  famiUes  named  Oruna  and  Berrio. 
The  body  of  the  illustrious  discoverer  was  removed 
to  Bogota  in  1597,  and  buried  in  the  cathedral. 
The  standard  of  the  conquest  was  placed  over  his 
tomb,  and  every  year  it  was  taken  in  procession 
on  August  6,  the  day  on  which  Quesada  founded 
the  city. 

Gonzalo  Jimenes  de  Quesada,  the  illustrious 
discoverer  of  New  Granada,  was  no  ordinary  man. 
He  left  Spain  at  the  age  of  thirty,  after  having 
received  a  good  education,  acquired  legal  know- 
ledge, and  been  imbued  with  hterary  tastes.  Yet 
the  Adelantado,  de  Lugo,  saw  in  this  young  lawyer, 
or  thought  he  saw,  a  leader  of  men,  a  resolute  and 
courageous  captain,  and  an  able  administrator 
endowed  with  foresight  and  the  other  quahties 
needed  for  a  commander  in  a  difficult  enterprise. 

^  Mariquita  was  the  botanical  headquarters  of  Dr.  Mutis.  Here 
he  instructed  draughtsmen,  made  collections,  and  completed  a  portion 
of  his  large  collection  of  plants.  He  resided  at  Mariquita  for  seven 
years  (1783-1790).  His  collection  consisted  of  24,000  dried  plants 
and  5000  drawings  of  plants  by  his  eight  pupils. 


CHARACTER  OF  QUESADA  189 

The  Adelantado  was  right.  Quesada  turned  out  . 
to  be  endowed  with  more  indomitable  resolution, 
and  greater  moral  courage,  than  any  of  the  mihtary 
captains.  He  showed  this  when,  at  the  turning- 
point,  he  stood  firm,  but  alone,  against  retreat. 
He  showed  it  still  more  when,  in  his  old  age,  he 
made  that  wonderful  journey  through  the  forests. 
He  was  naturally  humane  both  in  his  own  character 
and  from  policy,  though  he  was  responsible  for  one 
atrocious  act  of  perfidy  and  cruelty.  That  he 
yielded  to  the  violence  and  greedy  avarice  of  others, 
unwillingly,  cannot  be  accepted  as  an  excuse. 
Momentary  weakness  cannot  palhate  such  a  crime. 
Quesada  was  a  very  able  administrator,  as  well 
as  a  bom  leader  of  men.  In  adversity  and  disap-\ 
pointment  he  was  dignified  and  resigned.  Always 
ready  to  serve  his  country,  ever  loyal  and  zealous, 
he  remained  in  harness  until  after  his  seventy-  \ 
fourth  year,  and  died  at  a  good  old  age,  respected 
and  revered.  He  takes  his  place  in  the  first  rank 
among  the  great  men  who  gave  the  Indies  to  the 
Spanish  Crown,  greater  than  Pizarro,  greater  in 
some  respects  than  Cortes. 

With  the  death  of  Quesada,  the  story  is  com- 
pleted. The  kingdom  of  New  Granada  continued 
to  be  ruled  by  the  Presidents  of  the  Audiencia  or 


190  A  NEW  KACE 

High  Court  of  Justice  until,  towards  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  New  Granada  was  raised  to  a 
Viceroyalty.  That  the  government  was  a  bad 
one,  as  regards  the  natives,  is  proved  by  the  rapid 
diminution  of  the  population.  In  Ibaque  there 
were  18,000  natives  at  the  time  of  the  conquest ; 
in  1610  only  600  !  In  Mariquita  the  population  was 
30,000  when  the  Spaniards  arrived  ;  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  2000  !  It  was  the  same  throughout. 
The  Chibcha  language  had  quite  ceased  to  be 
spoken  in  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

Yet  a  native  race  of  pure  white  descent  was 
rising  up  in  New  Granada  which  was  destined  to 
found  another  civiUsation  in  the  land  which  had 
witnessed  the  destruction  of  that  of  the  Chibchas. 
Many  famiUes  of  that  race  can  trace  descent  from 
the  first  settlers.  From  generation  to  generation 
that  race,  though  hampered  by  Spanish  monopolies, 
continued  to  develop  Uberal  sentiments,  feelings 
of  humanity,  desire  for  knowledge,  and  love  of 
Uterature  and  science.  By  the  latter  half  of  the 
eighteenth  and  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  centuries 
there  was  a  distinct  development  of  those  traits 
of  character  in  that  kingdom  of  New  Granada. 

Let  us  take  one  example  out  of  several.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  the  city  of  Antioquia  was 


TO  SUCCEED  THE  CHIBCHAS  191 

founded  by  the  unfortunate  Eobledo.  It  has  not 
been  often  visited  by  travellers  since.  Humboldt 
was  never  there,  nor  Captain  Cochrane,  nor  Molliens, 
nor  Holton.  Yet  here  we  find  the  inhabitants 
making  progress  in  Hterature  and  the  arts.  One 
distinguished  citizen  of  Antioquia,  in  those  days, 
was  Jose  Manuel  Eestrepo  ^  who,  in  1809,  wrote  a 
very  able  account  of  his  native  province.  Up  to 
that  time  this  rich  and  fertile  region  was  entirely 
unknown  to  geographers.  No  astronomical  or 
other  observations  had  ever  been  taken  in  it,  and 
its  rivers  and  other  features  were  either  not  marked 
at  all  or  put  down  in  false  positions  on  the  maps. 
Eestrepo  surveyed  his  native  province  and  con- 
structed the  first  map  in  1807.^  He  triangulated 
the  whole  province,  corrected  his  bearings  by  sun's 
azimuths,  took  meridian  altitudes  of  stars  for  his 
latitudes,  and  deeply  regretted  that  he  had  no 
instrument  to  enable  him  to  fix  his  longitudes 
by  observing  the  eclipses  of  Jupiter's  satellites. 
Eestrepo  also  wrote  a  detailed  description  of  the 
valley  of  the  Cauca.^ 

When  Don  Jose  Celestino  Mutis  was  employed 
by  King  Charles  III.   of  Spain   on  a  botanical 

^  Born  at  Envigado  (Antioquia)  in  1782  ;  died  at  Bogota  1864. 
^  Now  in  the  Map-room  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society. 
'  Semanario  de  la  Nueva  Granada,  pp.  194r-228. 


192  DISTINGUISHED  NEW  GRANADINOS 

mission  to  New  Granada,  lie  found  that  Kestrepo 
did  not  stand  alone,  and  that  there  was  the  same 
talent,  the  same  desire  for  knowledge,  and  the  same 
zeal  for  the  cause  of  science  in  Bogota  as  in  Antio- 
quia.  CaldaSji  the  leading  man  of  science  in  those 
days  at  Bogota,  was  the  friend  of  Mutis.  That 
eminent  botanist  undoubtedly  gave  a  spur  to 
scientific  inquiry  among  the  rising  generation 
of  that  time  in  New  Granada.  Caldas,  after  a 
most  valuable  career,  during  which  he  promoted 
and  advanced  civilisation,  enhghtenment,  and 
progress,  finally  met  with  a  patriot's  death.  Fran- 
cisco Antonio  Zea,  born  in  1770,  was  another 
eminent  Colombian,  a  diplomatist  and  statesman, 
as  well  as  a  botanist. 

Restrepo,  Zea,  and  Caldas  have  had  numerous 
and  very  able  successors  down  to  the  present  day. 
To  mention  one  example,  when  the  precious 
drawings  of  Chinchona  plants  of  many  species,  by 
the  hands  of  Mutis  and  his  pupils,  were  rescued 
from  a  tool  house  in  the  Botanical  Garden  at 
Madrid,  it  was  a  Colombian,  Done  Jose  Triana,  a 
distinguished  botanist  and  a  high  authority  on  the 

*  Francisco  Jos6  Caldas  was  bom  at  Popayan  in  1776.  Friend 
of  Mutis  and  Humboldt.  He  fixed  positions  by  astronomical 
observations,  and  drew  maps  and  plans.  He  edited  the  Semunario 
de  la  Nueva  Qranada.    Shot  by  order  of  MuriUo  in  1816. 


DISTINGUISHED  COLOMBIANS  193 

genus  MelastomacecBy  who  was  found  to  be  the  best 
editor  of  the  work  containing  the  drawings  of 
Mutis.  Nor  have  the  writers  on  the  early  civihsation 
of  the  Chibchas,  and  on  the  conquest  been  less 
distinguished.  It  is  only  necessary  to  mention  the 
names  of  Acosta  and  of  Uricoechea  among  others.^ 
The  civihsation  of  the  Chibchas  has  passed  away, 
but  it  ought  not  to  be  forgotten.  It  is  succeeded 
by  that  of  an  enhghtened  and  progressive  race—/ 
the  people  of  the  EepubHc  of  Colombia.  / 

^  Such  as  Don  Jose  Antonio  de  Plaza,  the  author  of  Memorias 
para  la  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Granada,  desde  su  descuhrimiento 
hasta  el  20  de  Julio  de  1810  (1850) ;  Jose  M.  Vergara  y  Vergara's 
chronological  Quadro  of  the  rulers  of  the  country ;  Don  Liborio 
Zerde's  El  Dorado  ;  Uribe- Angel  on  the  geography  of  Antioquia  ; 
several  memoirs  by  Calcedo-Rojas  Quijano  Otero,  Vicente  Restrepo, 
Posada,  and  Ibanez,  on  the  early  history  of  New  Granada  and  on 
national  history. 


u 

a 


APPENDIX  I 

TRANSLATION   OF   THE    DUQUESNE    MEMOIR 
ON   THE    CHIBCHA   CALENDAR  i 

The  Muyscas  ^  counted  by  the  fingers.  They  only  have 
special  words  for  the  first  ten  numerals  and  for  twenty : 
1,  Ata;  2,  Bosa;  3,  Mica;  4,  Muyhica;  5,  Hisca; 
6,  Ta ;  7,  CuTiuycua ;  8,  Suhuza ;  9,  Aca ;  10,  Uhchihica ; 
20,  Gueta.  On  finishing  the  fingers  they  turned  to  the 
toes,  repeating  the  same  words  with  Quihicha  placed 
before  them,  which  means  a  toe. 

GK£ta  means  a  house  and  sown  field — a  homestead. 
On  reaching  twenty,  they  turned  to  count  another  twenty, 
uniting  with  the  first,  until  they  reached  twenty  of  twenty. 

Just  as  the  mathematicians  have  given  the  circle  360 
degrees  for  the  facihty  with  which  that  number  can  be 
sub-divided  into  others  to  make  any  calculation,  so  they 
divided  their  numerals  into  four  parts  grouped  in  fives. 
So  that  their  most  privileged  numbers  were  5,  10,  15,  20, 
and  these  served  to  regulate  all  their  transactions. 

The  moon  was  the  object  of  their  observations  and 
their  worship.  This  star,  which  was  ever  before  their 
eyes,  gave  them  the  model  of  their  houses,  temples,  work — 
in  a  word,  of  all  their  affairs.    They  fixed  a  pole  in  the 

^  Omitting  a  long  account  of  the  sacrificial  ceremonies. 
^  Muysca  was  the  name  given  by  the  Spaniards  to  the  Chibchas. 
It  means  '  a  man  '  in  the  Chibcha  language. 

195  o2 


196  CHIBCHA  CALENDAR 

ground  as  a  centre  and  traced  a  circle  round  it  with  a  cord. 
This  pole  and  cord,  if  the  characters  and  symbols  described 
in  the  table  are  considered,  will  be  recognised  as  the  principal 
elements  by  which  they  are  formed.  The  different  mean- 
ings which  these  numerals  have  in  their  language,  all  have 
reference  to  the  phases  of  the  moon,  the  work  of  sowing,  the 
superstitions  of  their  idolatry,  and  so  lead  us  directly  to  the 
formation  of  their  calendar. 

The  Muyscas  had  these  symbols  at  hand  mentally  just 
as  musicians  have  the  signs  of  the  system  of  Aretino. 
Thus,  by  merely  a  turn  of  the  fingers,  they  knew  the  state 
of  the  moon  and  the  ruHngs  of  their  affairs  and  their  crops. 

The  year  consisted  of  twenty  moons,  and  the  cycle  of 
twenty  years.  They  began  to  count  the  year  from  the 
opposition,  and  full  moon  was  figured  by  TJhchihica  (10) — 
meaning,  briUiant  moon ;  then,  counting  seven  days  from 
that  point,  beginning  with  Ata,  which  follows  TJhchihica, 
finding  the  quadrature  in  Cuhupcua  (7),  counting  seven 
from  there  they  found  the  next  immersion  of  the  moon  in 
Muyhica  (4),  which  means  something  black,  and  the  day 
following  the  conjunction,  symboHsed  in  Hisca  (5),  was  in 
their  conception  a  union  of  the  moon  with  the  sun,  repre- 
senting the  nuptials  of  the  two  stars,  the  main  dogma  of 
their  behef.  Counting  eight  days  they  reached  the  other 
quadrature  in  Mica  which  means  varyings,  to  indicate  he 
continual  phases  or  variations.  The  first  aspect  of  the  first 
phase  they  symboHsed  by  Cuhwpcua  (7),  and  as  the  quad- 
rature falls  in  this  symbol,  they  gave  it  two  ears,  and  called 
it  deaf,  for  reasons  connected  with  their  superstitions. 

The  same  symbols  served  for  counting  the  years,  and 
contained  a  general  system  for  the  order  of  sowing. 

Ata  (1)  and  Aca  (9)  represent  the  waters,  by  a  toad. 
The  more  frequent  crouching  of  that  animal  serves  as  a 
sign  that  the  time  for  sowing  is  at  hand. 


CHIBCHA  CALENDAR  197 

Bosa  is  a  sowing  round  the  principal  sowing,  to  protect 
the  central  part  from  harm. 

Mica  (to  seek,  to  choose  small  things),  means  the  selec- 
tion of  seeds  for  sowing. 

Muyhica :  anything  black.  It  symbolises  a  time  of  rain 
and  gloom.  Its  root  means  the  growth  of  plants,  the 
crops  increasing  from  the  benefit  of  irrigation. 

Hisca  :  anything  green.  The  rains  have  made  the  fields 
beautiful  and  pleasant.  The  plants  growing  give  hopes 
of  fruit. 

Ta,  the  sixth  month  of  sowing,  corresponds  to  harvest. 

Cuhwpcua :  their  granaries  have  the  shape  of  a  shell 
or  a  ear. 

Cuhutana^  which  has  the  same  root,  means  the  corners 
in  the  house  where  the  grain  is  kept — the  granary. 

Suhuza — the  tail — meaning  the  end  of  the  work  from 
sowing  to  harvest.  (AUusion  to  the  pole  on  their  causeway, 
where  the  solemnities  took  place  on  the  completion  of  the 
harvest.) 

Ubchihica  may  refer  to  their  feasts. 

Gueta  (homestead),  symboHsed  by  a  toad  displayed,  an 
emblem  among  them  of  felicity. 

The  Indians  looked  upon  these  symbols  as  so  many 
oracles.  They  taught  their  sons  with  tenacity  this  doctrine 
of  their  elders,  and,  not  content  with  these  precautions  to 
preserve  the  rule  of  the  year,  they  marked  it  by  the  blood 
of  many  victims. 

They  never  used  the  word  zocam,  a  year,  without  the 
corresponding  number  as  zocam  aia,  zocam  hosa.  The  same 
rule  prevailed  with  the  word  suna,  a  causeway,  where  the 
sacrifices  were  made  at  sowing  and  harvest :  suna  ata,  suna 
hosa  (the  causeway,  two  causeways).  In  this  way  the 
localities  were  hke  a  book  for  registering  the  calculations. 
Twenty   months   made   a   year.    These    ended,  they 


198  CHIBCHA  CALENDAR 

counted  another  twenty,  and  so  on,  turning  in  a  continual 
circle  until  they  reached  twenty  of  the  twenties.  The 
intercalation  of  a  month,  which  it  is  necessary  to  make 
after  the  thirty-sixth  month,  to  make  the  lunar  correspond 
with  the  solar  year,  was  arranged  with  the  greatest  facihty. 
For,  as  they  had  the  whole  calendar  in  their  hands,  they 
sowed  two  sowings  running  with  a  sign  in  the  middle,  and 
the  third  sowing  with  two  signs. 

Distributing  the  signs  on  the  fingers,  this  finger  tablet 
will  give  us  all  the  combinations.  We  will  suppose  that 
Ata,  which  is  the  first  finger,  corresponds  with  January 
and  that  it  is  a  month  proper  for  sowing.  Running  on 
the  fingers  the  second  sowing  corresponds  with  MicUf 
skipping  Bosa  which  is  between  Ata  and  Mica.  Therefore 
this  sowing  falls  on  the  thirteenth  month  with  respect 
to  Ata. 

Carrying  on  the  fingers  from  Mica,  the  sowing  falls  in 
Hisca,  skipping  Muyhica  which  is  between  Mica  and 
Hisca,  so  that  the  sowing  is  placed  in  the  thirteenth 
month  with  respect  to  Mica. 

Carrying  on  the  finger  from  Hisca  the  sowing  will  be  in 
Suhuza,  passing  over  two  signs  Ta  and  Cuhwpcua,  which  are 
between  Hisca  and  SuJiuza.  This  is  in  the  fourteenth  month 
with  respect  to  hisca. 

The  month  Cuhufcua  (which  in  their  language  means 
deaf)  is  the  one  that  is  intercalated,  because  it  is  the 
seventeenth  of  the  second  muycsa  year  whose  number, 
added  to  the  twenty  months  of  the  first  year,  makes  thirty- 
seven,  and  so  the  lunar  and  solar  years  become  equal,  and 
Suhuza  becomes  a  true  January. 

This  intercalation,  which  was  continually  verified, 
letting  the  thirty-seventh  month  pass  as  deaf,  makes  us 
perceive  that  between  the  two  ordinary  years,  each  of 
twenty  months,   there  was  another  occult  astronomical 


CHIBCHA  CALENDAR  199 

year  of  thirty-seven  montlis,  so  that  the  thirty-eighth 
month  would  be  a  true  January.  The  Indians,  without 
understanding  the  theory  of  this  proposition  of  the  month 
that  must  be  added  at  the  end  of  each  three  lunar  years, 
being  the  twelfth  before  the  twelve  months  and  the  third 
of  the  thirteenth,  yet  possessed  a  high  faculty  for  the 
practice  of  their  intercalation,  following  the  estabhshed 
method,  and  in  that  way  maintaining  the  astronomical 
year  without  the  common  people  noticing  any  difference 
in  their  vulgar  years,  each  of  twenty  months. 

The  vulgar  year  of  twenty  months  served  for  truces  in 
war  (as  appears  in  their  history),  for  buying  and  selling,  and 
other  ordinary  business.  But  the  astronomical  intercalated 
year  of  thirty-seven  months,  covering  three  sowings,  was 
used  mainly  for  agriculture  and  for  rehgion.  Thus  the 
elders  and  priests  made  their  calculations  in  much  detail, 
noting  the  epochs  for  special  sacrifices,  graving  them  on 
stones  by  means  of  symbols  and  figures,  as  is  seen  on  a 
pentagon  which  I  have  in  my  possession,  and  will  explain 
at  the  end  of  this  paper. 

The  cycle  of  the  Muyscas  of  twenty  intercalary  years  of 
thirty-seven  months  each,  corresponding  to  sixty  of  our 
years,  was  composed  of  four  revolutions  counted  by  five 
and  five,  each  one  consisting  of  ten  years  of  the  Muyscas 
and  five  of  ours,  until  twenty  is  completed,  when  the  sign 
Ata  returns  to  the  place  where  it  began.  The  first  revolu- 
tion closes  in  Hisca,  second  in  Ubckihica,  third  in  Quihicha, 
and  the  fourth  in  Gueta. 

An  understanding  of  these  calculations  is  necessary  for 
the  comprehension  of  ancient  history,  and  deciphering  of 
symbols  and  figures,  for  without  that  they  cannot  be  under- 
stood. We  have  therefore  thought  it  indispensable  to 
make  a  Muysca  chronological  table,  by  which  all  the 
economy  of  their  cycle  may  easily  be  perceived. 


200  CHIBCHA  CALENDAR 

The  week  was  of  three  days,  and  marked  by  a  market 
on  the  first  day  at  Turmeque. 

They  divided  the  day  sua  and  the  night  za.  From 
dawn  to  noon  suamena,  noon  to  twihght  suameca,  twihght 
to  midnight  zasca,  and  midnight  to  dawn  ca^ui. 

Ata  had  for  a  symbol  a  toad  in  the  act  of  jumping,  to 
denote  the  opening  of  the  year. 

ilea,  another  toad  from  whose  tail  another  begins  to  form. 

Gueta  a  toad  displayed,  meaning  abundance  and  feHcity. 
To  other  numbers  human  features  were  given. 

Bosa,  represented  by  nostrils. 

Mica,  two  eyes  open. 

Muyhica,  two  eyes  closed. 

Cuhupciuiy  two  ears. 

Uhchihica,  one  ear. 

Ta,  suhuzay  the  pole  and  cord. 

Hisca,  union  of  two  figures. 

We  have  seen  the  Muysca  calendar  on  the  fingers. 
They  also  engraved  it  on  stones  by  means  of  symboHcal 
figures.  I  have  in  my  possession  one  which  expresses 
this,  according  to  my  way  of  thinking.  The  toad  is  cer- 
tainly the  symbol  of  the  first  month  of  the  year  and  cycle. 
The  Indians  depicted  it  in  various  ways.  The  act  of 
jumping  is  the  first  sign  Ata,  and  so  it  is  found  engraved  on 
various  stones ;  on  others  with  a  tail,  which  denotes 
Quihicha  Ata,  or  the  number  twelve.  I  have  observed 
several  stones  showing  the  toad  without  feet,  which  means 
Gueta. 

On  the  pentagonal  stone  a  is  a  toad  in  the  act  of  jump- 
ing, 6  is  a  kind  of  finger  denoted  by  three  thick  fines,  c  the 
same  but  placed  outside  the  central  position  of  the  others, 
d  is  another  preserving  the  central  position,  e  is  the  body  of 
a  toad  with  a  tail  but  without  feet,  /  is  a  small  snake,  g  is 
a  circle. 


••  \^/    \„   * ^ i^;        ••  \     y< 


/    t-<  ■^-A\ ///"■  V-Y 

■- B^-iJ! ^^^^tef- ....|y.-..Jia...-..„ 


202  CHIBCHA  CALENDAR 

On  this  stone  the  first  revolution  of  the  Muysca  cycle 
is  symbolised,  which  commences  with  Ata  and  ends  with 
Hisca,  including  nine  years  and  five  months  of  the  Muysca 
cycle. 

a — ^The  toad  in  the  act  of  jumping  means  the  beginning 
of  the  year  and  cycle. 

h — ^A  sort  of  finger  with  three  notches  means  three  years. 

c  is  omitted,  being  out  of  the  central  position. 

d — Another  three  years  which,  added  to  those  in  h, 
make  six. 

This  denoted  the  intercalation  of  Quihicha  Ata,  which 
occurs  exactly  at  the  sixth  Muysca  year,  as  will  be  seen 
in  the  table. 

e  is  the  body  of  a  toad  with  a  tail,  but  without  feet ; 
symbol  of  Quihicha  Ata,  and  the  absence  of  feet  is  proper 
for  expressing  the  intercalation — not  being  counted,  it  is 
imagined  without  feet  or  movement. 

/ — A  small  snake,  the  sign  of  Suhuza,  the  month  which 
is  intercalated  after  Quihicha  Ata ;  two  years  indicated  by 
two  lines  on  the  back. 

gr  is  a  closed  temple. i 

The  three  circles  are  thus  explained  :  the  inner  one 
represents  the  twenty  months  of  the  vulgar  year ;  the 
second  expresses  the  years  corresponding  to  the  intercala- 
tion of  each  sign  ;  the  outer  circle  shows  the  order  of  the 
intercalation. 

To  find,  for  example,  in  what  year  the  sign  Mica  inter- 
calates.— Look  for  3  in  the  inner  circle ;  2  will  be  found 
to  correspond  in  the  second,^  which  is  the  year  sought  for. 
On  the  outer  circle  is  the  number  19,  showing  that  the 
intercalation  of  Mica  is  in  the  nineteenth  of  the  cycle. 

^  The  references  for  the  second  figure  are  not  given. 
«  56  (?). 


APPENDIX  II 

EEPORT  OF  THE  ADELANTADO,  DON  GONZALO 
XIMENES  DE  QUESADA,  ON  THE  CONQUERORS 
AND  ENCOMENDEROS 

Memoir  of  the  conquerors  and  discoverers  who  entered  with 
me  to  discover  and  conquer  this  new  kingdom  of  Granada. 

Some  are  dead,  and  these  are  the  majority.  Others  are  in 
Spain  who  have  been  here,  but  who  have  returned  home. 
Others  have  gone  to  other  parts  of  the  Indies.  Others 
remained  in  this  kingdom,  but  have  died  during  the  subse- 
quent thirty  years.  So  that  at  the  time  that  this  Memoir 
is  being  written  only  fifty-three  survive,  whose  names  will 
be  recorded  here,  and  it  is  to  be  understood  that  they  are 
named  in  the  order  of  the  value  of  their  labours  and  services 
in  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  this  kingdom — that  is, 
those  who  are  still  aHve.  Also  the  rewards  for  services  will 
be  found  here  which  each  has  received,  and  what  else  is 
needed  to  complete  this  memoir,  very  briefly  stated ; 
so  that  when  some  of  them  arrive  in  Spain,  seeking  rewards 
for  services,  it  will  only  be  necessary  to  refer  to  this  memoir 
to  see  who  are  among  the  first,  and  whether  or  not  the 
reward  that  is  deserved  has  been  given. 

1.  The  Captain,  Juan  de  Cespedes,  one  of  those  who  is 
stillliving,  is  one  of  those  who  did  most  work  and  rendered 
the  "most  valuable  services  in  this  discovery  and  conquest. 
He  was  one  of  the  eight  captains  who  entered  with  me  into 

203 


204  COMPANIONS  OF  QUESADA 

this  kingdom.  He  has  merit.  He  possesses  three  reparti- 
mientos  in  this  city  of  Santa  Fe,  in  which  there  are  1500 
Indians,  more  or  less.  They  are  called  the  repartimientos  of 
Ubaque,  Caqueza,  and  Ubatoque.  He  is  weU  provided  for 
in  this  kingdom. 

2.  The  Captain,  Antonio  de  Olalla,  Hves  and  has  provision 
in  this  city  of  Santa  Fe.  He  did  not  enter  this  kingdom 
with  me,  but  came  afterwards  and  served  under  me  as  an 
ensign  of  infantry.  He  has  800  or  1000  Indians  in  a  good 
repartimiento  called  Bogota,  and  thus  is  well  provided  for  in 
this  country  and  is  a  man  of  merit. 

3.  JiLan  Valenciano,^  though  he  did  not  enter  this 
kingdom  with  me  as  a  captain,  but  only  as  a  corporal,nhe 
worked  and  served  well  in  this  discovery.  He  had  some 
repartimientos,  but  owing  to  lawsuits,  or  in  other  ways,  they 
have  been  taken  from  him  by  those  who  have  governed, 
also  by  reason  of  absences  and  journeys  he  has  made, 
among  them  one  to  Jerusalem.  So  that  he  now  has  not 
any  repartimiento  nor  provision.  He  deserves  some  reward, 
and  has  merit. 

4.  Captain  Gonzalo  Sitarez  is  a  man  of  merit.  He  entered 
this  kingdom  with  me  as  a  captain,  being  one  of  the  eight 
with  that  rank.  He  Hves  and  has  property  in  the  city  of 
Tunja,  consisting  of  three  repartimientos,  with  3000  Indians. 
They  are  called  Icabuco,  Tihand,  and  Gtuzneca.  He  is  very 
well  provided  for. 

5.  Captain  Antonio  Cardoso  has  merit,  though  he  was  not 
one  of  the  eight  captains  who  entered  with  me^  ;  but  he  had 
been  a  captain  before  the  discovery.  He  Hves  at  Santa 
Fe,  and  is  well  provided  for  by  a  repartimiento  caUed  Svba 
and  Tuna,  with  900  or  1000  Indians. 

^  Not  in  the  earlier  list. 

"  Cardoso  was  one  of  Quesada's  eight  captains.  There  is  a 
mistake  here. 


COMPANIONS  OF  QUESADA  205 

6.  Captain  Gonzalo  Garcia  Zorro  ^  has  merit.  Though 
he  did  not  enter  with  me  as  captain  he  came  with  me  as  a 
cornet  of  horse.  He  is  reasonably  well  provided  for  by  a 
repartimiento  in  the  city  of  Santa  Fe  called  Fusagasugd  with 
about  500  Indians. 

7.  Captain  Hernan  Venegas  ^  did  not  enter  with  me  as 
a  captain,  but  only  as  a  cavalry  soldier.  Those  who  have 
governed  here  have  since  made  him  a  captain,  and  he  has 
merit.  He  hves  at  Santa  Fe  and  is  very  well  provided  for 
by  a  principal  repartimiento  called  Guatavita,  with  about 
2000  Indians. 

8.  9.  Juan  de  Ortega  and  Francisco  de  Figueredo  are 
two  men  who  my  conscience  will  not  aUow  me  to  put  either 
of  them  first,  so  I  put  them  equal.  Juan  de  Ortega  Hves 
in  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  is  a  rich  man  and  has  some  merit. 
He  came  in  the  cavalry.  He  is  less  than  moderately 
provided  for.  He  has  one  repartimiento  called  Capaquira 
and  another  called  Pacha,  with  300  or  400  Indians,  more  or 
less.  Francisco  de  Figueredo  came  as  a  cavalry  soldier, 
and  also  has  some  merit.  He  has  a  repartimiento  in  this  city 
of  Santa  Fe,  where  he  hves,  though  not  a  large  one,  called 
Cipacon,  with  200  or  300  Indians,  a  httle  more  or  less. 

10.  Captain  Salguero  did  not  come  as  a  captain,  but  only 
as  a  cavalry  soldier.  He  has  some  merit  and  hves  at  Tunja, 
where  he  only  has  a  moderate  provision  consisting  of  three 
httle  villages,  one  called  Ura ;  but  I  do  not  remember  the 
names  of  the  others.  He  may  have  200  Indians,  more  or  less. 

11.  Captain  Juan  Tafur  entered  with  me,  not  as  a 

^  Not  in  the  eaxUer  hst. 

2  He  received  the  title  of  Marshal,  and  was  the  only  founder  of 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  except  Quesada,  who  received  a  grant  of 
anns.  In  1669  he  married  Dona  Juana  Ponce  de  Leon,  great- 
great-grand-daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Cadiz:  Marshal  Venegas 
died  in  February  1583,  and  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  of  Bogota. 


206  COMPANIONS  OF  QUESADA 

captain,  but  only  as  a  cavalry  soldier.  He  is  a  man  of 
merit,  but  is  very  poor  because  tbe  repartimiento  of  Pasca 
was  taken  from  him  by  Montalvo  de  Lugo,  owing  to  a 
sentence  of  the  Koyal  Council  of  the  Indies. 

12,  13.  Gomez  de  Cifuentes  and  Domingo  de  Aguirre,^ 
are  another  couple  whose  services  I  consider  to  be  equal. 
I  put  Cifuentes  first  by  chance.  He  is  a  man  of  moderate 
merit,  Hving  at  Tunja,  where  he  is  moderately  provided  for, 
and  even  more  than  reasonably.  He  has  a  repartimiento 
called  Paypa  with  700  or  800  Indians.  Domingo  de 
Aguirre,  as  well  as  regards  services  and  other  things,  holds 
the  same  place  as  Cifuentes.  He  hves  in  Tunja  and  has  a 
repartimiento  in  Sogamoso,  with  about  the  same  number  of 
Indians  as  the  other,  and  so  is  reasonably  well  provided  for. 

14.  Bartolome  Camacho  ^  Hves  in  Tunja,  and  is  provided 
for  by  a  small  repartimiento. 

15.  Andres  de  Molina  Hves  in  Santa  Fe.  He  has  merit 
and  is  well  provided  for,  both  as  regards  wealth  and  Indians, 
for  he  has  a  very  good  repartimiento  caUed  Choconta. 

16.  Diego  Romero  Hves  in  Santa  Fe  and  is  well  off,  for 
he  has  two  repartimientos,  one  caUed  Une,  which  is  a  good 
property,  and  another,  the  one  with  400  Indians,  and  the 
other  with  150. 

17.  Paredes  Calderon  Hves  at  Tunja,  a  man  with  some 
merit  and  weU  off.  For  his  repartimento  caHed  Somondoco 
is  rich,  and  includes  300  Indians. 

18.  Jiuzn  de  Quincoces  i  is  a  person  of  merit  who  is  rich 
in  land  and  in  Indians.  He  Hves  in  Tunja  and  has  three 
towns  which,  though  small,  are  very  profitable. 

19.  Miguel  Sanchez  is  a  man  of  some  merit  and  is  weU  off, 
Hving  at  Tunja.  He  has  a  very  fair  property  consisting  of 
two  repartimientos yOUQ  reasonable, and  the  other  very  good, 
caUed  Onzaga, 

^  Not  in  the  earlier  list. 


COMPANIONS  OF  QUESADA  207 

20.  Fedro  Rodriguez  de  Carrion  is  a  person  of  merit  and 
is  rich.  He  lives  at  Tunja  and  lias  a  repartimiento  of  300 
Indians. 

21.  Diego  Montanez  has  merit  and  is  well  provided'for 
by  a  large  refartimiento  with  500  Indians.  He  Hves  at 
Tunja. 

22.  Francisco  de  Mestanza  lives  at  Santa  Fe,  but  has 
no  property.  He  was  despoiled  of  a  repartimiento  called 
Cajica  by  the  Audiencia,  and  it  is  now  Crown  property.  It 
was  found  that  he  had  treated  the  Indians  badly. 

23.  Francisco  Gomez  ^  hves  at  Santa  Fe.  He  has  merit 
and  is  weU  provided  for.  His  two  repartimientos  are  called 
Tihacuy  and  Cueca,  good  and  profitable,  with  400  Indians. 

24.  Anton  Rodriguez  Cazalla  i  hves  at  Tunja.  He  has 
few  Indians  and  is  badly  off. 

25.  Juan  del  Olmos  hves  at  Santa  Fe.  He  is  only 
moderately  meritorious,  and  but  moderately  well  off. 
For  though  he  has  three  repartimientos  called  Nemocon, 
Tasgala,  and  Tivito,  with  400  Indians,  they  are  not  very 
good,  nor  are  they  very  bad  as  regards  profit. 

26.  Pero  Ruiz  Herrezuelo  hves  in  Tunja.  He  is  moder- 
ately meritorious.  He  has  two  repartimientos ,  one  with 
200,  the  other  called  Panqueba  with  the  same  number  of 
Indians. 

27.  Alonso  Gomez  Sequillo  i  hves  at  Velez.  He  is  very 
badly  provided  for,  having  few  Indians  though  formerly 
he  had  much  more. 

28.  Roa  hves  in  Tunja.  He  has  some  merit,  and  is 
well  off  with  a  repartimiento  called  Tensa. 

29.  Pero  Gomez  ^  hves  at  Pamplona  and  is  well  provided 
for  there,  having  sold  his  property  at  Velez  wherehe  formerly 
Uved. 

30.  Juan  Sanchez  de  Toledo  i  is  moderately  well  off  at 

^  Not  in  the  earlier  list. 


208  COMPANIONS  OF  QUESADA 

Santa  Fe  where  lie  resides.  He  has  no  repartimiento 
because  he  sold  the  one  he  had  called  Gachandpd,  went  to 
Spain,  and  returned. 

31.  Juan  de  Montalvo  Hves  at  Santa  Fe.  He  has  no 
repartimiento,  because  he  sold  the  one  he  had.  [He  was 
the  last  survivor  and  died  in  1591.] 

32.  Ramirez  Hves  at  Tocayma,  but  is  not  well  off,  his 
repartimiento  being  small. 

33.  Francisco  Rodriguez  Hves  at  Tunja  and  has  merit, 
but  is  less  than  moderately  weU  off,  having  only  one  village 
called  Sora,  with  200  to  300  Indians. 

34.  Monrroy  Hves  in  Los  Remedies,  and  had  no  pro- 
vision, but  the  President  has  recently  given  him  a  small 
repartimiento. 

35.  Macias  Hves  in  Tunja,  and  had  more  than  he  has 
now,  having  given  much  away  as  dowries  for  his  daughters. 

36.  Antonio  de  Castro  has  some  merit,  and  Hves  at 
Tunja.  He  is  weU  provided  for  by  two  repartimientos,  one 
caUed  Tinjaca,  the  other  Cerinza,  with  700  Indians  in  one, 
200  in  the  other.  He  bought  the  latter  from  another 
conqueror. 

37.  Ju£Ln  Rodriguez  Parra  Hves  at  Tunja.  He  has 
some  merit  and  is  well  off  with  repartimientos  called 
Chicamocha  and  Tequia. 

38.  Salazar  Hves  in  Velez  and  is  badly  off. 

39.  Antonio  Bermudez  Hves  at  Santa  Fe.  With  a 
moderate  share  of  merit  he  is  badly  off,  he  sold  his  reparti- 
mientos of  XJhate,  Suta,  and  Tausa,  spent  the  money  except 
enough  to  buy  another  smaU  repartimiento  with  200  Indians 
caUed  Chivachi. 

40.  Ju^n  Rodriguez  Gil  Hves  in  Tunja  and  is  very 
well  off. 

41.  Castil  Blanco  Hves  in  Velez  and  has  no  Indians 
because  he  has  sold  them.    [Came  with  Federman.] 


COMPANIONS  OF  QUESADA  209 

42.  Juan  Alonso  has  Indians  in  Velez  where  he  lives. 

43.  Ledesma  lives  in  Velez.  I  believe  he  has  sold  what 
he  had. 

44.  Juan  Lopez  lives  at  Tunja.  He  has  some  merit 
and  a  profitable  repartimiento  with  500  Indians  caUed 
Sachica. 

45.  Juan  Gomez  Hves  at  Santa  Fe  and  has  a  reparti- 
miento with  200  or  300  Indians  called  Usme. 

46.  Monteagudo  Hves  at  Tunja.  He  is  fairly  weU  ofi, 
with  two  repartimientos. 

47.  Pero  Rodriguez  de  Leon  also  Hves  at  Tunja  with  a 
good  repartimiento. 

48.  Pedro  Sotelo  has  no  repartimiento.  He  sold  one 
that  was  given  to  him  in  Marquita. 

49.  Manchado  Hves  in  Tunja.  He  has  no  provision  and 
is  poor  and  infirm.    He  is  bHnd  from  a  wound. 

50.  Diego  de  Torres  Hves  in  Pampluma  and  has  a  small 
repartimiento,  being  very  badly  off. 

51.  Pedro  de  Madrid  Hves  at  Tunja  and  has  a  very 
profitable  repartimiento  with  600  Indians. 

52.  Juan  de  Salamanca  Hves  at  Tunja.  He  has  one 
smaU  repartimiento,  having  sold  another  called  Sutatasco. 

Besides  these  first  discoverers  and  conquerors  of  this 
kingdom,  there  were  others  who  were  second,  third,  fourth, 
fifth,  and  sixth,  and  who  were  employed  in  the  risings  and 
rebelHons  of  the  natives,  but  to  treat  of  them  would  be 
endless,  so  I  do  not  attempt  it. 

The  Marshal  Ximenes. 
July  5,  1576. 


APPENDIX  III 

ENCOMIENDAS 

(F.) — Came  with  Federman.     (B.) — Came  with  Belalcazar. 

Places  granted  in  encomienda^  from  a  list  of  Encomenderos 
compiled  by  Colonel  Acosta  from  the  various  chronicles. 

Bogota.— Antonio  de  Olalla  (see  Santa  Fe). 
BoYACA.— Hernondo  de  Alcocer. 
BoNSA.— Pedro  Nunez  Cabrera. 

Chia.— Crist  oval  de  San  Miguel  (Royal  Treasurer). 
Chibata.— Pedro  Bravo  de  Rivera. 
Chinga  {in  Santa  Fe).— Cristoval  de  Toro. 
Chital AS AL.— Pedro  Rodriguez  de  Salamanca. 
Choachi.— Antonio  Bermudez  (but  went  to  Carthagena). 
ChocontI.— Andres  Vasquez  de  Molina. 
Chusbita  and  Sagra  (which  see), 
CuiTiBA.— Pedro  Lopez  de  Monteagudo. 
CuNUBA  (in  Tunja).— Diego  de  Paredes  Calvo. 
CoTA.— Francisco  de  Tordehumos. 

DuiTAMA. — Baltazar  Maldonado. 

Eugatisa.— Diego  Romero. 

FacatativA.— Alonso  de  Olall^  (F.),  who  made  the  wonderful 

leap  at  Simijaca. 
FuRAQUiRA.— Juan  de  Quincoces  de  Liana. 

Gameza.— Ortun  Ortiz. 

GuACAMAYA  (in  Tunja).— Francisco  de  Monsalvo. 

210 


ENCOMIENDAS  211 

GuACHETA.— Hernan  Venegas,  Ensign,  then  Captain,  finally 

Marshal. 
GuATAViTA.— Hernan  Venegas. 

Ibague.— Domingo  Lozano  (F.) :  founded  Buga  ;  old  soldier  at 

sack  of  Rome. 
IcABUCO. — Gonzalo  Suarez  Rondon.* 
Iguaque  {in  Tunja).    Pedro  Rodriguez  Carrion  de  los  Rios 

y  Mantilla. 

Macheta  {see  Tibirita).— Juan  de  Rivera. 

Mesva.— Francisco  de  Cespedes ;  {also  Suaque  and  Tunjaque). 

Mongua.— Francisco  Solguero. 

Muso. 

Nemocon.— Juan  de  Olmos  ;  {and  Pacho). 

OcAViTA.— Mateo  Sanchez  Cogolludo. 
Onzaga.— Miguel  Sanchez. 

Pacho  {see  Nemocon). 

Ranches.— Cristoval     de     Miranda.        Chilagua.— Antonio 

Martinez. 
Panqueba.— Pedro  Ruiz  Herrezuelo. 
Pasc A.— Francisco  de  Mestanza. 
Peso  A.— Captain  Juan  de  Madrid  and  Juan  Tapur. 

Sachica.— Juan  Lopez. 
S AGRA.— Pedro  Rodriguez  de  Leon. 
Sesquibe.— Cristoval  Bernal. 
Serrezuela.— Alfonso  Diaz  (came  late). 
SiQUiMA.— Pedro  de  Miranda;  {and  Tocarema). 
SoBACHOQUE.— Juan  de  Guemes. 
SoMONDOCO.— Diego  Paredes  Calderon. 
SoRA.— Francisco  Arias  Maldonado. 
SoRACA.— Francisco  Rodriguez. 
SoTAQUiRA.— Diego  Suarez  Montonez. 

f2 


212 


ENCOMIENDAS 


Santa  Fe.- 


Gonzalo  Garcia  Sorro. 
Francisco  Gomez  de  Feria. 
Juan  de  Torres  (Q.). 
Cristoval  Ruiz. 

Domingo  Ladron  de  Guevara  (F.). 
.  Mateo  Sanchez  Rey. 
SuAQUE  {see  Mesva). 
SuBA.— Antonio  Diaz  Cardoso. 

J  Hernan  Gomez  Castillejo. 
\  Cristoval  Rodriguez. 
SusA.— Luis  Lanchero  (F.). 
SuTATENz A.— Cristoval  de  Roa. 


SUESCA. 


TOOAIMA.- 


Tabio.— Cristoval  Gomez  Nieto  (F.). 
Teusaca.— Gaspar  Mendez. 

TiBiRiTA.— Cristobal  Arias  de  Monroy  ;  {and  Macheta), 
TiNjACA.— Juan  de  Avendano  (B.). 
TocANCiPA.— Hernando  de  Velasco  Angulo. 
Hernando  del  Prado. 
Lorenzo  Vilaspasas  (F.). 
Pedro  de  Molina  (F.). 
Juan  Diaz  Hidalgo  (B.). 
ToACA  {in  Tunja).— Anton  de  Esquivel  (B.). 
TocAREMA  {see  Siguima). 
ToPAiPi  {in  La  Palma).— Pedro  de  Acebo  Sotelo  (Secretary 

to  the  General). 
Tuna. — Antonia  Diaz  Cardoso. 
TuNJAQUE  {see  Mesva). 

TuRMEQUE  {in  Tunja).— Juan  Torres  Contreraa. 
/  Estevan  de  Albarracin. 
Francisco  Nunez  Pedroso  (founder  of  Mariquita). 
Francisco  Ruiz. 
Gomez  de  Cifuentes. 
Martin  Hernandez  de  las  Islas. 
Miguel  de  Patarroyo. 
Pedro  Yanez. 
Pedro  de  Duza  de  Madrid. 
Juan  de  Villanueva  (F.). 
TuRA  {in  Velez).— Luis  Hernandez. 


Tunja.— 


ENCOMENDEROS 


213 


Ubaque.— Juan  de  Cespedes,*  captain  of  cavalry. 
Ubate.— Diego  Rodriguez  de  Valderas  (F.). 
UsMA.— Juan  Gomez  Portillo. 

Velez.— Miguel  Seco  Moyano. 
ViRACACHA.— Francisco  Martinez. 

ZiPACOA.— Francisco  de  Figueredo. 
ZiPAQUiRA.— Juan  de  Ortego  (The  Good). 


ENCOMENDEROS 


* — Came  with  Quesada.    (Q.) — In  Quesada's  Report.  (B.) — Came 
with  Belalcazar.     (F.) — Came  with  Federman. 


Albarracin,  Estevan  de 
Alcocer,  Hernando  de 
Angulo,  Hernan  Velasco 
Avendano  Juan  de  (B.) 

Bermudez,  Antonio  (Q.) 
Bernal,  Cristoval 

Cabrera,  Pedro  Nunez 
Calderon,  Diego  Paredes  (Q.) 
Calvo,  Diego  de  Paredes 
Cardoso,  Antonio  Diaz  (Q.) 
Carrion,    Pedro    Rodriguez 

Mantilla  (Q.) 
Castillejo,  Hernan  Gomez     . 

Cespedes,  Francisco  de*  (Q.) 

Cespedes,  Juan  de 
Cifuentes,  Gomez  de  (Q.) 
CogoUudo,  Mateo  Sanchez    . 
Contreras,  Juan  Diaz  . 

Diaz,  Alfonso 

Esquivel,  Anton  de  (B.) 


de 


los    Rios 


.  TUNJA. 

.  BOYACA. 

.  TOCANCIPA. 
.      TiNJACA. 

.  Choachi. 

.  Sesquibe. 

.  BONSA. 

.  SOMONDOCO. 

.  CUNUBA. 

.  SuBA,  Tuna 

y  Iguague. 

.  SUESCA. 

TMesva, 

.  JSUAQUE, 

(Tunjaque. 

.  Ubaque. 

.  TUNSA. 

.  OCAVITA. 

.  turmeque. 

.  Serrezuela. 

.  TOACA. 


214 


ENCOMENDEROS 


Faria,  Francisco  Gomez  de. 

.    Santa  F6. 

Figueredo,  Francisco  de  (Q.) 

.       ZiPACOA. 

Guemes,  Juan  de        .         .         .         . 

.      SOBACHOQUE. 

Guevara,  Domingo  Ladron    de    . 

.    Santa  M. 

Hidalgo,  Juan  Diaz 

.      TOCAIMA. 

Hernandez  de  las  Islas,  Martin  Luis     . 

.      TUNJA. 

Hernandez,  Luis         .... 

.      TURA. 

Herrezuelo,  Pedro  Ruiz  (Q.) 

.    Panqueba. 

Lanchero,  Luis  (F.)    . 

.      SUSA. 

Liana,  Juan  de  Quinones  de 

.      FURAQUIVA. 

Lopez,  Juan  (Q.) 

.     Sachica. 

Leon,  Pedro  Rodriguez  de  (G.)  . 

(  Chusbita, 
(Sagra. 

Lozano,  Domingo  (F.) 

.     Ibagur 

Madrid,  Juan  de         .         .         .         . 

.     Pesca. 

Madrid,    Pedro  Diego  de  (Madrid  Pedro  de 

Daza(Q.) 

.       TUNJA. 

Maldonado,  Francisco  Arias  (B.) . 

.       SORA. 

Maldonado,  Baltazar  .... 

.       DUITAMA. 

Martinez,  Antonio      .... 

.     The  Ranches. 

Martinez,  Francisco    .... 

.      ViRACACHA. 

Mendez,  Gaspar          .... 

.     Teusaca. 

Mestanza,  Francisco  de       .         .         . 

.     Pasca. 

Miranda,  Cristoval  de          .         .         . 

.     The  Ranches. 

Miranda,  Pedro  de     . 

rSlQUIMA, 

|Tocarema. 

Molina,  Andres  Vasquez  de  (Q.)    . 

.     ChocontA. 

Molina,  Pedro  de        .         .         .         . 

.     Tocaima. 

Monroy,  Cristoval  Arias  de  (Q.)  . 

(  Macheta 
*  (Tibirita. 

Monsalve,  Francisco  de        .         .         . 

.       GUACAMAYA. 

Monteagudo,  Pedro  Lopez  de  (Q.) 

.     Cuitiba. 

Montonez,  Diego  Suarez  (Q.) 

.     Sotaquira. 

Moyano,  Miguel  Seco 

.    Velez. 

ENCOMENDEROS 


215 


Nieto,  Cristoval  Gomez  (F.) 

.     Tabio. 

Nunez,  Pedro  Francisco 

TUNJA. 

Olalla,  Antonio  de  (Q.) 

.    Bogota. 

OlaUa,  Alfonso  de  (F.) 

.    FacatativI. 

Olmos,  Juan  de  (Q.)    . 

CNemocon, 
(Pacho. 

Ortego,  Juan  de  (Q.)  . 

.     ZipaquirI. 

Ortiz,  Ortun        . 

.     Gamesa. 

Patarroyo,  Miguel  de  . 

.      TUNJA. 

Pedroso,  Francisco  Nunez    . 

.       TUNJA. 

Portillo,  Juan  Gomez  . 

.      USMA. 

Prado,  Hernando  de    . 

.      TOCAIMA. 

Key,  Mateo  Sanchez    .         .         .         . 

.     Santa  ¥±, 

Rivera,  Juan  de           .         .         . 

,     Macheta. 

Rivera,  Pedro  Bravo  de 

.     Chibata. 

Roa,  Cristoval  de  (Q.) 

.      SOTATENZA. 

Rodriguez,  Francisco  (Q.)     . 

.      SORACA. 

Rodriguez,  Cristoval    .         .         .         . 

.       SUESCA. 

Romero,  Diego  (Q.) 

.      EUGATISA. 

Ruiz,  Francisco  .         .         .         .         . 

.      TuNJA. 

Ruiz,  Cristoval             .         .         .         . 

.     Santa  Fe. 

Salamanca,  Pedro  Rodriguez  de  (Q.)     . 

.     Chitalasal. 

Sanchez,  Miguel  (Q.)    • 

.     Onzaga. 

San  Miguel,  Cristoval  de      .         .         . 

.     Chia. 

Solguero,  Francisco  (Q.) 

.      MONGOA. 

Sorro,  Gonzalo  Garcia 

.     Santa  Fe. 

Sotelo,  Pedro  de  Acebo  (Q.) 

.       TOPAIPI. 

Suarez  Rondon  Gonzalo*  (Q.) 

.      ICABUCO. 

*  Original  captains  under  Quesada  :  Juan  de  Cespedes ;  Juan 
de  Junco  (returned  to  San  Domingo) ;  Gonzalo  Suarez  de  Rondon  ; 
Juan  de  San  Martin  (returned  to  Spain);  Lazaro  Fonte  (died 
in  Quito) ;  Pedro  Fernandez  Valenzuela  (went  home  to  Cordova, 
became  a  priest) ;  Antonio  de  Lebrija  (died  childless) ;  Juan  de 
Montalvo  (oldest  soldier,  died  1597). 


2i6 


ENCOMENDEKOS 


Tapur,  Juan  (Q.) 
Tordehumos,  Francisco  de    . 
Torres,  Juan  de  . 
Toro,  Cristoval  de        .         .         . 

Valderas,  Diego  Eodriguez  de  (F.) 
Venegas,  Hernan  (Q.) 

Vilaspasas,  Lorenzo  (F.) 
Villanueva,  Juan  de  (F.) 

Yanez,  Pedro      .... 


Pesca. 

COTA. 

Santa  F6. 
Chinga. 

Ubate. 
(Guacheta, 
i guatavita. 

TOCAIMA. 
TUNJA. 

TUNJA. 


APPENDIX  IV 

GRANT  OF  ARMS  TO  THE  LICENTIATE  GONZALO 
JIMENES  DE  QUESADA 

Don  Caelos  and  Dona  Juana  &c.  With  regard  to  you, 
the  Licentiate  Gonzalo  Jimenes,  who  had  been  Lieutenant 
of  the  Governor  of  the  new  kingdom  of  Granada,  which  is 
in  our  Indies  of  the  Ocean  Sea,  we  have  been  informed  that, 
about  twelve  years  ago,  you  went  to  the  Indies  with  the 
desire  of  serving  us.  Being  in  the  province  of  Santa 
Martha  you  went,  by  order  of  Don  Pedro  Hernando  de 
Lugo,  Governor  of  that  Province,  as  his  Lieutenant-General 
for  his  expedition  of  discovery  up  the  great  river.  You  took 
with  you  500  men  and  90  horses,  eight  of  them  being  your 
own,  which  you  took  for  our  service  in  that  expedition, 
with  many  other  things.  With  great  difficulty  and  labour 
you  succeeded  in  finding  the  entrance  to  that  mainland. 
To  do  this  it  was  necessary  first  to  take  certain  Indian 
towns.  Having  found  the  entrance  you  ascended  the  river 
with  certain  brigantines,  and  the  further  you  ascended  the 
less  food  you  found  for  your  people,  the  Indians  becoming 
more  warhke.  Yet  you  continued  to  prosecute  your 
voyage  until  you  came  to  a  place  called  La  Tora,  and  from 
there  you  went  on  until  you  reached  the  said  kingdom  of 
New  Granada,  enduring  on  the  way  much  labour  and  many 
infirmities,  all  for  our  service.  Arriving  in  the  kingdom 
of  New  Granada  with  your  followers,  who  were  few,  for 

217 


218  GRANT  OF  ARMS 

most  of  them  had  died  on  the  road,  you  conquered  and 
subdued  the  natives,  and  put  them  all  under  our  yoke  and 
royal  lordship,  whence  our  fifths  consisted  of  great  quanti- 
ties of  gold,  silver,  and  emeralds,  being  in  addition  to  what 
we  always  received  previously,  from  the  said  land.  In  the 
encounters,  skirmishes,  and  fights  which  continually  took 
place  with  the  said  Indians,  you  were  ever  the  first,  and  in 
all  this  you  served  us  as  a  good  and  loyal  vassal,  passing 
through  much  labour,  hardship,  and  want,  as  appears  from 
a  report  which  you  have  made  and  presented  to  us  in  our 
Council  of  the  Indies.  In  it  you  pray  that,  in  reward  for 
these  services,  you  and  they  may  be  kept  in  perpetual 
memory.  We  have  therefore  ordered  that  you  shall  be 
given  the  following  shield  of  arms.  Parted  per  fess  in 
chief  gules  a  Hon  or  with  a  naked  sword  in  its  fore-paw, 
in  memory  of  the  bravery  and  resolution  you  showed  in 
ascending  the  river  in  the  face  of  such  hardships,  and  in 
discovering  and  subduing  the  said  new  kingdom.  In  base 
or  a  mount  proper  over  waters  of  the  sea  azure  and  argent, 
semee  of  emeralds  vert,  in  memory  of  the  emerald  mines 
which  you  discovered  in  the  said  new  kingdom,  and  at  the 
foot  and  on  the  top  of  the  mount  some  trees  vert.  On  a 
bordure  azure  four  suns  or,  and  gules  four  moons  argent. 
Crest  on  a  closed  helmet  with  a  baldrequin  azure  and  or, 
a  Uon  or  with  a  naked  sword  in  his  fore -paw,  and  eagles' 
wings  issuing  from  the  helmet.  ^ 

Given  at  Madrid  on  the  21st  of  May,  1546. 

I,  THE  KING. 

^  Ndbiliario  de  Conquisiadores  de  Indias  (le  pubbca  la  Sociedad 
de  Bibliofilos  Espanoles),  por  el  Senor  Dr.  Don  A.  Paz  y  Melia. 
(Madrid,  1892). 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  PLACES 


Abibb,  Sierra  de,  87;  crossed  by 

Cesar,   87  ;  by  VadiUo,  97  ;  by 

Robledo,  102 
AbubbI,  fertile  valley,  visited  by 

Robledo,  102 
AcLA,    station  formed   by  Vasco 

Nunez,      73 ;      Vasco      Nunez 

murdered  at,  75,  76 
Amazonian   Basin,  16 ;     Hernan 

Perez  de  Quesada's  search  for 

El  Dorado,  148  ;   expedition  of 

Pedro  de  Ursua,   179 ;    search 

for  El  Dorado  by  G.  Jimenes  de 

Quesada,  184,  185 
Anapthmas,  tribe  in  the  Magda- 

lena  valley,  173 
Anaquito,   battle  of,   Belalcazar 

at,  196 
Andes,  11 
Anseema,  founded  by   Robledo, 

101,  102 
Antigquta,  founded  by  Robledo, 

102 
Apulo,  131 
Aeigtjani,  river,  118 
Ajrmas,     a    tribe    in    the    Cauca 

vaUey,  12,  13 
Atrato,  12 


Balsa,  Rio  de  la,  74 

BogotI,     Santa    Ffi    de  :     site 

chosen,  142  ;  city  founded,  142  ; 

burial    of     Quesada    at,    188 ; 

New  Laws,  178  ;    Quesada  at, 

183  ;    Luis  de  Lugo  at,   165  ; 

Armendariz    at,    178  ;     seven 


encomiendas  in,  granted  to 
Olalla,  Sorro,  Feria,  Torres, 
Ruiz,  Guevara,  Rez,  212 

BoNDA,  mountains,  near  Santa 
Martha,  invaded  by  Palomino, 
83 ;  Lugo  sends  an  expedition 
to,  112 

BoNDA  (Chibcha),  battle  with 
Spaniards,  136 

BoNJA,  lake :  island  fortified  by 
Tutama,  152 

BoNSA,  encomienda  of  Pedro 
Nunez  Cabrera,  213 

BosA,  Nemterequeteba  began 
his  preaching,  23  {n.) 

BoYACA,  chief  of,  killed  by  Hernan 
Perez,  149 ;  encomienda,  Her- 
nando Alcocer,  210 

Btjena VENTURA,  port  of,  103 

Btjga,  211 

BuRiTicA,  Vadillo  at,  98,  99 ;  Rob- 
ledo  at,  102 

Busbanza,  elector  of  the  Lraca,  40 


Cachiri,  Cordillera  :      ascent  by 

Alfinger,  89 
Calamar,  native  name  of  site  of 

Cartagena,  52,  87 
Cali,  founded  by  Belalcazar,  94  ; 

Vadillo  at,  100 ;    Andagoya  at, 

103  ;    Belalcazar  at,  107 
Canas,  independent  Darien  tribe, 

56 
Caqtjbza  vaUey,  45  (n.) 
Carbta,  66,  67,  68 
Caribbean  Sea,  11,  57 


219 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  PLACES 


Cartagena,  named  by  Bastidas, 
51  ;  Ojeda  at,  52  ;  Enciso  at, 
60 ;  settlement  formed,  86,  87  ; 
Quesada  held  a  residencia  at, 
183 

Cartago,  founded  by  Robledo,  102 

Casimanes,  independent  Darien 
Indians,  56 

Castilla  del  Org,  52 

Catorafra,  Mummies  found  at, 
14  (n.) 

Cauca,  12 ;  valley  entered  by 
Cesar,  87,  97  ;  river  reached  by 
Vadillo,  99  ;  valley  discovered 
by  Vadillo,  100  ;  tribes  of,  see 
Arma  ;  march  of  Robledo  up 
the  valley,  107 

Cesare  river,  Alfinger  at,  89 ; 
confluence  with  Magdalena,  117 

Chia,  Chief  of,  heir  to  Zipa,  41  ; 
Quesada  at,  129  ;  encomienda 
of  Cristoval  de  San  Miguel, 
Royal  Treasurer,  210 

Chibata,  ;  encomienda  of  Pedro 
Bravo  de  Rivera,  210,  215 

Chibcha,  country  of  the,  16,  16 ; 
position,  agricultural,  15,  16 ; 
appearance,  commerce,  18,  19 ; 
manufactures,  18  ;  dress,  18  ; 
houses,  20  ;  general  character, 
17  ;  religion,  21-36  ;  legends, 
24,  25 ;  temples,  27 ;  human 
sacrifice,  28 ;  language,  calen- 
dar, 31-39;  civil  government, 
40  -  48  ;  their  doom,  144  ; 
murder  of  chiefs,  149 

Chilagua  (Panches),  encomienda 
of  Antonio  Martinez,  214 

Chimiles,  Sierras  de,  crossed  by 
Quesada,  117 

Chtnga,  in  Santa  Fe  :  encomienda 

of  C.  de  Toro,  210,  216 
Chitalasal,  240  ;    encomienda  of 
Pedro  Rodriguez  de  Salamanca, 
210,  215 

Choachi,  220 ;  encomienda  of 
A.  Bermudez,  but  he  gave  it 
up  and  went  to  Cartagena, 
210 
ChocontA,  battle  between  Zina 
and  Zaque  at,  45 ;  Spaniards  at, 


132 ;  encomienda  of  Andres 
Vasquez  de  Molina,  210,  214 

Chocxinaqtjb,  river,  69 

Chxtsbita  (with  Sagra),  encomi- 
enda of  Pedro  Rodriguez  de 
Leon,  210,  214 

CiENAGA,  river  near  Santa  Martha, 
84 

CoiBA,  54,  65 

CoLiMAS,  fierce  tribe  bordering  on 
the  Chibchas  to  N.W.,  16; 
north  of  Panches,  173 

Colombians,  distinguished,  192, 
193 

COMOGAE,  64 

Cordilleras,  11 ;  Abibe,  Sierra 

de,  87,  97  ;  Eastern,  15 
CoRi,  in  the  Cauca  valley  :  death 

of  Cesare  at,  99 
CoRO,     in     Venezuela,     German 

governors  at,  88,  91 
CoTA,    23    {n.),    Nemterequeteba 

preached     at,    encomienda     of 

Francisco  de  Tordehumos,  210 
CoYAiMA  fair,  18 
CucuNiTBA  :     natives  rise  against 

the  Spaniards,  153 
CiJiTiBA,    encomienda    of     Pedro 

Lopez  de  Monteagudo,  210 
CuNXJBA   in  TuNJA  :    encomienda 

of  Diego  de  Paredes  Calvo,  210 

Darien,  Gulf  of  {see  Uraba). 
DoBAYBB,  gold  possessed  by  Chief 

of,  66 
DoRSiNOS,  tribe  near  Santa  Martha, 

80 
DuTTAMA,   hills  of :     territory  of 

Tutama,   135 ;    Tutama,    chief 

of,  136;  death  of  chiefs,  153; 

encomienda    of    Baltazar   Mal- 

donado,  210,  214 

Ebaque,  chief  of,  submits  to  the 

Zipa,  44  (to.) 
Ebate  (now  Ubate)  chief  submits 

to  the  Zipa,  44  (w.) 
Emeralds,  18,  132,  144 
Eugatisa,    210 ;     encomienda  of 

Diego  Romero,  210 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  PLACES 


221 


FacatativA,  near  the  place  of 
refuge  of  the  Zipa,  137  (n.) ;  en- 
comienda  of  Alonso  de  Olalla, 
who  fell  down  the  precipice 
at  Simijaca,  210,  215 

FiBABiTOBA,  electors  of  the  Iraca, 
40 

FONTIBON,  23  (w.) 

FimzA  River,  drains  the  Bogota 
plain,  16  ;  crossed  by  Quesada, 
130 ;  called  Pati  below  the 
Tequendama  falls,  173 

Ftjeaqutra,  210 ;  encomienda  of 
Juan  de  Quincoces  de  Liana,  210 

Ftjsagasuga  valley,  chief  submits 
to  the  Zipa,  45,  131 

Gaibas,  tribe  near  Santa  Martha, 
80 

Gameza,  elector  of  the  Iraca,  40  (w.); 
encomienda  of  Ortun  Ortiz,  215 

Geacias  a  Digs,  end  of  territory 
granted  to  Nicuesa,  52 

Guacamaya  in  Tunja,  210  ;  en- 
comienda of  Francisco  de  Mon- 
salve,  214 

GuACHETl,  chief  of,  overawed  by 
Spaniards,  128 ;  encomienda 
of  Heman  Vanegas,  211 

GuALiEs,  rebellion  in  valley  of 
Magdalena,  187 

GuASCA,  chief  of,  submits  to  the 
Zipa,  44 

GtTATAQui,  place  of  embarkation 
on  the  Magdalena,  143 

GiTATAViTA,  lake  of,  24,  25; 
legend,  25,  26  ;  search  for  gold, 
26  ;  chief  submits  to  the  Zipa, 
44  {n.)  ;  Spaniards  at,  132 ;  en- 
comienda of  Hernan  Venegas,  205 

Gtjaviare  River,  reached  by 
Quesada,  185 

Hacha,  Rio  de  la,  164 
HiJNSA  {or  Ttjnja), 

Ibaoite,  founded  by  Galarza,  184; 
depopulation,  190  ;  encomienda 
of  Domingo  Lozano  (F.)  who 
founded  Buga,  211 


IcABtrco,  211 ;  encomienda  of 
Captain  Suarez  Rondon,   215 

Iguaque  in  Tunja  :  encomienda 
of  Pedro  Rodriguez  Carrion  de 
loa  Rios  y  Mantilla,  211 


Laches,  tribe  to  N.E.  of  Chibchas, 
150 

Lachimis,  tribe  in  the  Magdalena 
valley,  173 

Lengttpa,  132 

Leon,  capital  of  Nicaragua,  foun- 
ded, 79 


Macheta   {with   Tibieita),    215  ; 
encomienda  of  Juan  de  Rivera, 
211 
Magdalena  River,   11 ;    west  of 
Chibcha    country,    15 ;     name 
given,  50  ;    Enciso  off  mouth, 
60 ;     lower    reaches    explored, 
85  ;      boundary    between  Car- 
tagena and  Santa  Martha,  111  ; 
great     expedition      up,     114 ; 
Quesada' s  flotilla,    116 ;    Fran- 
cesquillo  attacks  the  Spaniards 
on,  165 
Malambo,  on  the  Magdalena,  119 
Maracaibo,  88 

Mariqtjita,  founded  by  Pedroso, 
184  ;  death  of  Quesada  at,  188  ; 
depopulation,  190 
Mesva  {with  Sfaqub  and  Ttjn- 
jaque),  211  ;  encomienda  of 
Francisco  de  Cespedes,  213 
Meta  River,  12 

MoMPOX,     founded     by     Alonso 
Heredia,    106 ;     death    of    the 
Judge,  Mercado,  at,  183 
MoNGUA,     215 ;      encomienda    of 

Francisco  Solquero,  211 
Muequeta,   capital  of  the  Zipa, 
42  ;  Zipa  at,  127  ;  preparations 
of  the  Zipa  for  flight  from,  129  ; 
occupied  by  Quesada,  130, 137  ; 
Quesada  evacuates,  139 
Musos,  campaigns  against,  180, 183 
Mttysca,  Spanish  name  for  Chib- 
chas— a  mistake,  16, 37  {n.) 


222 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  PLACES 


Nemocon  {with  Pacho)  salt  mines, 
17,  128  ;  encomienda  of  Juan 
de  Olmos,  211 

New  Granada,  name  given  by 
Quesada,  142 

Neyva  VaUey,  expedition  of  Que- 
sada to,  136 

NiCAEAGTJA,  discovered,  79 

NoMBRE  DE  Digs,  founded,  78 


PiJAOS,  Sierra  de,  12 
PiuRA  (see  San  Miguel),  93 
PocoROSA :  funeral  ceremonies  for 

chief,  66 
PoiNCOS  {see  Coyaima). 
PoPAYlN,  94,  100.  104,  105,  106, 

109 
Pozos,  cruelties  of  Robledo  among, 

101  ;  murder  of  Robledo  at,  107, 

108 


Oca  VITA  :  people  rise  against  the 
Spaniards,  155  ;  encomienda  of 
Mateo  Sanchez  Cogolludo,  211 

Onzaga,  215 ;  encomienda  of 
Miguel  Sanchez,  211 

Opon,  river,  entrance  reached  by 
Quesada,  120  ;  ascended,  123  ; 
Mountains,  ascent  of,  by  Que- 
sada 123  ;  L.  de  Lugo  reaches, 
165 


Quito,  94,  100,  105 


Ramada,  La,  fertile  district  near 

Santa  Martha,  84 
Ramiriqui,     ruins     of     a    stone 

temple  at,  19 


Pacho  Valley  {see  Nemocon). 

Pacific  Ocean :  news  of,  67  ; 
discovery  by  Vasco  Nunez,  69 

Paez  River,  104 

Pampluna,  founded  by  Pedro  de 
Ursua,  179 

Panama  Isthmus,  65-78 ;  city 
founded,  78 

Panches,  tribe  on  W.  frontier  of 
the  Zipa,  16 ;  war  with  the 
Zipa,  44 ;  defeat  Spaniards, 
131  ;  defeated,  172 ;  retreat, 
final  submission,  173 ;  encomi- 
enda of  Chr.  de   Miranda,  214 

Panqueba,  214  ;  encomienda  of 
Pedro  Ruiz  Herreguelo,  211 

Pasca,  214 ;  encomienda  of 
Francisco  de  Mestanza,  211 

Pasto,  94  ;  Heman  Perez  reaches, 
151 

Pati,  river,  131,  173 

Payta,   100 

Pearl  Isles :  expedition  of  Morales, 
70 

Pbsca,  elector  of  the  Iraca,  40  (n.); 
encomienda  of  Juan  de  Madrid 
and  Juan  Tapur,  211 


Sacsahuana,  96 

Saqra,      encomienda     of     Pedro 

Rodriguez  de  Leon,  211 
Salt-mines     at     Nemocon    and 

Zipaquira,  17 
Samaca,  chief  of,  killed  by  Heman 

Perez,  149 
Sampollon,  Quesada's  flotiUa  at, 

on  the  Magdalena,  119  ;  Lebrun 

at,  147 
San  Juan  River,  103 
San  Miguel  de  Pivra,  93 
San  Miguel,  Gulf  of,  69 
San  Sebastian  de  Uraba,  54 
Santa  Fi  de  Bogota  founded, 

141,  142  (see  Bogota) 
Santa  Maria  la  Antigua,   63 ; 

anival  of  Pedrarias,  69 

/ANT a  Martha,  80 ;  Enciso's 
account,  59 ;  first  governor,  80 ; 
afiairs  at,  82 ;  Lebron,  gover- 
nor, 146  ;  L.  Lugo,  164  ;  P.  F. 
de  Lugo,  governor.  111 
Sbrrezuela,       encomienda       of 

Alfonso  Diaz,  211 
Sbsquibe,  encomienda  of  Cristoval 

Bernal,  211 
SmiJAOA    chief  threw    his    gold 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  PLACES 


223 


into  Lake  Guatavita,  26 ; 
natives  rise  against  the  Spani- 
ards, 155 

SiQtriMA  {with  Tocaeema),  encomi- 
enda  of  Pedro  de  Miranda, 
211 

SoBACHOQTJE,  eftficomimda  of  Juan 

tde  Guemes,  211 
SOGAMOSO,  27 

SoGAMOSO,  river,  to  north  of 
Chibcha  country,  15 

SoMONDOCO  emerald  mine,  18 ; 
Spaniards  at,  132  ;  encomienda 
of  Diego  Paredes  Calderon,  211 

SoBA,  encomieTida  of  Francisco 
Arias  Maldonado  (B.),  211 

SoRACA,  encomienda  of  Francisco 
Rodriguez,  211 

SoTAQurRA,  encomienda  of  Diego 
Suarez  Montarez,  211 

SuAMO  {now  SoGAMOSo),  most 
sacred  temple,  40 ;  temple 
burnt  by  Spaniards,  135 

SuABEZ,  river,  142 

StHBACHOQUE  :  people  rise  against 
the  Spaniards,  155 

SuBYO,  road  over  mountains, 
made  by  Zipa,  45  ;  encomienda 
of  Antonio  Diaz  Cardoso,  212 

SucHiCA,  in  Zaque's  territory  to 
W.,  46,  211 

StTESCA,  Quesada's  work  "written 
at,  48  ;  chief  of,  sent  news  of 
Spanish  invasion  to  the  Zipa, 
127  ;  Spaniards  at,  136  ;  Que- 
sada's country  house  at,  186 ; 
encomienda  of  Heman  Gomez 
Castillejo  and  Cristoval  Rodri- 
guez, 212 

SxTTTAMAS,  tribe  in  the  Magdalena 

»  valley,     173 ;      alliance     with 

Spaniards,  173 
SuMA  Paz,  range  south  of  Chibcha 
country,    15 ;      expedition     of 
Cespedes,  130 
SusA,  212 ;     encomienda  of  Luis 

Lanchero  (F.)  214 
SuTA :    natives   rise   against  [the 

Spaniards,  153 
SuTAGAOS,  tribe  in  the  Magdalena 
valley,  173 


Stttagaos,  subdued  by  the  Zipa, 
44 

SUTATENZA,    212 


Tabio,  country  house  of  Zipa, 
thermal  spring,  42 ;  en- 
comienda of    Cristoval    Gomez 

Nieto,  215 
Taboga,  Pedrarias  at,  78 
Tagangus,     tribe     near     Santa 

Martha,  80 
Taieoma,  tribe  near  Santa  Martha, 

84 
Tamalameque,  118 
Tausa,   natives   rise  against  the 

Spaniards,  156 
Tequendama  Falls,   16;    legend, 

24 
Teusaca,    212 ;      encomienda    of 

Caspar  Mendez,  214 
Theosaquillo,  country  house  of 

Zipa,  site  of  Bogota,  42 
Ttbirita  {see  Macheta). 
TiBUBON,  Cape,  51 
TimanA,  founded  by  Aiiasco,  104 
TiNANSTJcA,  country  house  of  Zipa, 

42 
TiNJAcA,  w  est  border  of  Tunja,  46 ; 

encomienda   of  Juan  de  Aven- 

dano,  212 
ToACA  in  Tunja,  212  ;    encomienda 

of   Anton   de   Esquival,  213 
ToBAZA,    electors    of   the   Iraca, 

40  (w.) 
TocA,  chief  of,  elector  of  the  Iraca, 

40 
TocAiMA  :  tribes  in  the  Magdalena 

vaUey,     173 ;     Quesada    living 

at,      187 ;        encomiendas      of 

Vilaspasas,      Prado,       Molina, 

Hidalgo,  212 
TocANCiPA,  212  ;     encomienda  of 

Hernando    de  Velasco  Angulo, 

213 
Tocaeema  {see  Siquima). 
ToPAiPi,  212,  215 
ToEA,  La,  on  the  Magdalena,  '120, 

142 


224 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  PLACES 


Tttna,  262  ;  encomienda  of  Ant 
Diaz  Cardoso,  213 

Ttjnja,  capital  and  palace  of  the 
Zaque,  43 ;  sacked  by  the 
Spaniards,  133,  134 ;  city 
founded,  149 ;  nine  encomi- 
endas  of  Albaoracin,  Pedroso, 
Ruiz,  Cifuentes,  Hernandez  de 
las  Islas,  Patarroyo,  Yanez, 
Madrid,  Villanueva,  212 

TuNJAQUB  {see  Mesva). 

TuRA  {see  Velez). 

TuBBACO,  near  Cartagena,  defeat 
of  Ojeda  at,  53 

Ttjrmeque,  south  border  of  Tunja : 
fair,  18 ;  Spaniards  at,  132 ; 
chief  killed  by  Hernan  Perez, 
149  ;  encomienda  of  Juan  Torres 
Contreras,  212 


Ubaqub  :  invaded  by  the  Zipa, 
44  («..)  ;  encomienda  of  Juan  de 
Cespedez,  213 

Ubate  {see  Ebate),  44  {n.)  ;  en- 
comienda of  Diego  Rodriguez 
el  Valderas,  213 

Upar,  Luis  de  Lugo  landed  in 
valley  of,    164 

Ubaba,  Gulf  of  {or  Darien),  53 ; 
Ojeda  at,  54 ;  ^Enciso  at,  55 ; 


animals  of,  described  by  Enciso, 
61;    Vasco  Nunez,   63 
UsMA,  213  ;    encomienda  of  Juan 
Gormez  Portillo,  215 

Vela,  Cabo  de  la,  51 ;  Latitude 

by  Enciso,  59 
Velez,    founded,    143 ;     Lebron 

arrives  at,  147  ;     encomienda  of 

Miguel  Saco,   Moyano,   213 
Venadillo  River,  Vanegas  at,  172 
Venezuela  :     name    given,    50 ; 

Velzers'   contract,  88 ;   German 

expeditions,  89-91 
ViRACACHA,  213  ;     encomienda  of 

Fran  Martinez,  214 
ViTumiTA  River,  171 

Yahabo,  59 

Yaporogos  {see  Coyaima). 

Zamba,  Bastidas  at,  50 ;  [inter- 
preter from,  87 

Zenu  cemetery,  15 

Zipa  CCA,  213 ;  encomienda  of 
Fr.  de  Figueredo,  214 

ZipaquibA  salt-mines,  17 ;  chief 
submits  to  the  Zipa,  44  (n.) ; 
encomienda  of  Juan  de  Ortago, 
213 


INDEX    OF    NATIVE   DEITIES, 
SOVEREIGNS,  AND  CHIEFS 


Aquimin  (Zaque),  134 ;  the  last  of 
the  Zaques,  murdered  by  Her- 
nan  Perez  Quesada,  149 


Bachub,  Mother  of  all  mankind, 
22;  legend,  23 

BocHiCA,  mythical  demigod,  re- 
siding in  the  sun;  legend  of 
Tequendama,  22,  24 


Carbta,  a  chief  of  Darien;  friend 
of  Vasco  Nuiiez  de  Balboa,  who 
loved  his  daughter,  68,  73 

Chaque,  deity  of  boundaries,crops, 
festivals,  23 

Chibchacun,  deity  of  the  Chib- 
chas  22;  legend  of  Tequen- 
dama, 24 

Chib,  the  moon,  30 

Chiming AGUA,  the  Creator ;  great 
first  cause,  22 

Chtnzapagua,  another  name  for 
Gabachacha,  23  (n.) 

CoMOGTJE,  a  Darien  chief ;  his 
son  gave  the  first  news  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  64 

CxJCHAViRA,  rainbow  deity  23 


FuzACHOGUA,  a  name  of  Bachue, 
22 


Garachacha,  a  great  civiliser  of 

ancient  times ;  he  instituted  the 

office  of  Iraca,  23 
GuECHAS,   war    captains  of    the 

Chibchas,  131 
GuESO,    victim    for  the  human 

sacrifice  to  the  sun,  28 


Iraca,  high  priest  of  Suamo ; 
office  of  arbitrator  and  mediator, 
instituted  by  Garachacha,  40, 
134 ;  mode  of  election,  40  (w.) 
46  ;  the  last  Iraca,  135  (n.) 


Jeqtjes,  name    for   the  Chibcha 
priests,  27 


MicHTTA,  the  Zaque  slain  in  battle 
with  the  Zipa,  44,  45 


Nemcatacoa,  deity  of  weavers, 
woodmen,  drunkards  ;  repre- 
sented as  a  bear,  23 

Nemequene,  second  kno^Ti  Zipa ; 
reduced  Guatavita  to  submis- 
sion ;  and  Ubaque ;  defeated  by 
the  Zaques,  45,  46 

Nemterequeteba,  another  name 
for  Garachacha,  23  (w). 

>  Q 


226 


INDEX  OF  NATIVE  DEITIES,  ETC. 


NoMPENEMB,  the  Iraca;  his 
mediation  secured  a  peace 
between  the  Zipa  and  Zaque,  46 

NuTiBARA,  a  powerful  chief  south 
of  the  Sierra  de  Abibe;  grief 
at  his  brother's  death  ;  success- 
fully resisted  the  Spaniards,  97, 
98 


QuBMiJNCHATOCHA,  the  Zaque  of 
Tunja,  133 

QuiNUNCHF,  brother  of  Nutibara, 
killed  in  battle  with  the  Spani- 
ards, 97 

QuYHYCA  (a  door,  a  month), 
another  name  for  the  Gtjeso  or 
victim  for  sacrifice,  28 


Sagipa,  last  of  the  Zipas,  bravely 
resisted  the  Spaniards,  139 ;  then 
leagued  with  them  against  the 
Panches,  139,  140;  died  under 
torture  inflicted  by  the  Spani- 
ards for  gold,  141 

Saguamachica,  first- known  Zipa ; 
submission  of  chiefs ;  defence 
against  the  Panches;  reduced 
the  Sutagaos;  slain  in  battle 
with  the  Zaque,  44,  45 

SiQUiMA,  chief  of  the  Panches,  171 

Sua,  the  sun,  30 

SuGAMUNi,  last  Iraca,  135 ;  Epi- 
taph, 135  in.) 


Tamalamequb,  a  chief  near  the 
Magdalena,  who  helped  Quesada, 
118 


Thiguyes,  concubines  of  the  Zipa, 

41 
Thisqubzuza,  third  known  Zipa ; 

services   under  his  predecessor, 

46;  fight  with  Spaniards,  128; 

flight,  129,  137  ;  death,  138 
TiBACUi,     chief     assisting    Elsa- 

thama ;  after  defeat  he  advised 

his  friend  to  submit  to  the  Zipa, 

44 
TiRiPi,    a   valiant  Darien  chief; 

defeated  Ojeda,  54 
ToMAGATA,  a  mythical  Zaque,  43 
TuNDAMA,  valiant  Chibcha  chief,  of 

Tutasua,  151, 152,  153 

TUTASUA,  47 


Usaqtje,  a  chief ;  Chibcha  name, 

40 
UsATHAMA,  chief  of  the  Sutagaos  ; 

submits  to  the  Zipa,  44 


XuB,  another  name  for  Gaba- 
CHACHA,  23  (to.) 

YuLDAMA,  chief  of  the  Gualies  in 
the  Magdalena  valley ;  his  rising 
put  down  by  Quesada,  187 

Zaque,  sovereign  of  the  northern 

half  of  the  Chibcha  nation,  43- 

46 
Zipa,  sovereigns  of  the  southern 

half  of  the  Chibcha  territory, 

40-46 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF 
SPANIARDS 

(The  Encamenderos  in  another  list — App.  II  and  III.) 


AcosTA,     Joaquim  :       work     on 

the     discovery     and     conquest 

of    New    Granada;    its    value, 

8,  9  -■^•- 

AcosTA  DE  Sampek,  Doua  Soledad, 

biographies     of    notable    Neo- 

Granadinos,  7 
Agttayo,  Captain,  Jeromino  raised 

the   first   wheat-crop    in    New 

Granada,  148 
Agtjello,  Hernando,  his  warning 

to  Vasco  Nuiiez  intercepted ;  his 

execution,  75,  77 
AatriLAR,      Francisco,      supplied 

funds  for  Quesada's  search  for 

El  Dorado,  187 
Aldana,    Lorenzo,    Governor    of 

Popayan,     95 ;      kindness      to 

natives     103 ;      sent     Robledo 

do^vn  the  Cauca   Valley,    101; 

character,  103,  156 
Alftnger,  German  leader  in  Vene- 
zuela employed  by  the  Velzers, 

88  ;     his    expedition  ;    cruelty  ; 

death,  89 
Alva,  Duke  of,  friendly  to  Luis 

Alonso  de  Lugo,  169 
Alvites,  Diego ;  founded  Nombre 

de  Dios,  78 
Amoya,  Countess  of ;  aunt  of  the 

wife  of  Pedrarias  ;  powerful  at 

Court,  77 
Ampudia,    Juan    de ;     desperate 

battle    with    natives    between 


Popayan  and  Timana  ;  finally 
defeated,  104 

Anasco,  Pedro  de ;  founded 
Timana  ;  besieged  by  natives  ; 
flight  down  Paez  River  ;  taken 
and  killed,  104 

Andagoya,  Pascual  de ;  his  nar- 
rative, 2 ;  received  a  grant  along 
the  coast,  Pacific  side,  103  ; 
reached  Popayan  ;  arrested  by 
Belalcazar,  104 ;  humanity  to 
natives,  104,  156 ;  subseqeunt 
career  and  death,  105  (w.) 

Armendariz,  Miguel  Diaz  de,  Juez 
de  Residencia  at  Cartagena, 
174 ;  at  Bogota ;  arrest ;  becomes 
a  priest,  185 

AscuLi,  Princess  of,  litigating  for 
many  years  about  claims  of  her 
grandfather,  Luis  Alonso  de 
Lugo,  170  [n.) 

AvENDANo  Juan  de,  184 

Ayora,  Juan  de  ;  one  of  the  cap- 
tains of  Pedrarias  ;  his  raid  and 
flighty  with  gold,  70 


Balboa,  Vasco  Nuiiez  de,  62 ;  his 
letter  to  Charles  V.,  2  ;  voyage 
with  Bastidas,  50  ;  early  years  ; 
head  of  the  Darien  Colony,  62, 
63 ;  wise  policy,  64 ;  discovery 
of  the  Pacific,  69  ;  builds  ships, 
73  ;   execution,  76 

227  Q  2 


228 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF   SPANIARDS 


Bastidas,  Rodrigo  de ;  his  voyage 
along  the  coast,  49,  50 ;  first 
Governor  of  Santa  Martha,  80, 
81  ;  his  good  treatment  of 
natives;  murder,  81 

Bblalcazar,  Sebastian  de,  93  ; 
conduct  as  a  boy,  93  ;  with 
Pedrarias,  93 ;  with  Pizarro,  94  ; 
reduces  Quito,  94  ;  discovery  of 
Popayan  ;  return  to  Spain,  95, 
142,  145  ;  made  Adelantado, 
102 ;  service  in  Peru,  105 ; 
execution  of  Robledo ;  Besi- 
dencia ;  death,  108 

Berrio  family,  heirs  of  Quesada ; 
descent  from  a  sister,  188 

BoRJA,  Juan  de.  President  of 
Bogota  ;  Avdiencia ;  war  with 
the  Pijaos;  accompanied  by 
Fray  Simon,  4 

BoTELLO,  sent  by  Vasco  Nunez  for 
news  about  the  new  Governor, 
74 ;  execution,  77 

Briceno,  Juez  de  Residencia  of 
Belalcazar  ;  condemned  him  to 
death,  108 


Cabrera,  Juan,  sent  by  Belal- 
cazar to  occupy  Antioquia,  106 

Caldas,  a  very  eminent  man  of 
science  and  letters  at  Bogota, 
192 

Campanon,  Francisco,  efficient 
aid  of,  to  Vasco  Nunez,  in 
bringing  materials  for  ship- 
building across  the  isthmus,  73 

Campo,  Sebastian  del,  sent  to 
Spain  by  Vasco  Nunez  Avith 
letter  and  gold  for  Charles  V, 
68 

Carbajal,  Dona  Maria  de,  widow 
of  Robledo  ;  married  the  judge 
Briceno,  108 

Cassani  :  history  of  Jesuit  Mis- 
sions in  New  Granada,  7 

Castellanos,  Juan  de,  rhyming 
chronicler  ;  value  of  his  work,  3 

Castro,  CristovalVaca  de,  assisted 
by  Belalcazar  in  journey  to  Peru, 
105 


Cerrato,  Licentiate :  his  report 
on  Lugo's  misconduct  referred 
to  by  Las  Casas,  169 

Cesar,  Francisco,  lieutenant  to 
Heredia  at  Cartagena,  87  ;  expe- 
dition to  Nutibara's  country, 
87 ;  expedition  with  Vadillo  ; 
fine  character ;  de^th,  96,  99 

Cespedes,  one  of  Quesada's  cap- 
tains 115;  expedition  towards 
Suma  Paz ;  sent  against  Ocavita, 
155. 

Charles  V.  ;  letters  of  Vasco 
Nunez,  2,  71 ;  letter  of  Heredia 
to,  2 ;  emeralds  for,  144 

Chamarro,  one  of  the  captains 
in  Quesada's  flotilla,  116 

CoBOS,  Francisco  de,  Secretary 
to  Charles  V.,  159  (w.) ;  his 
conduct  in  maligning  Quesada 
and  appointing  Lugo,  160,  167, 
169 

Cochrane,  Captain,  R.N. :  account 
of  the  attempt  to  drain  the 
Guatavita  Lake,  26 

Cordova,  Hernando  de,  dis- 
coverer of  Nicaragua ;  founded 
Leon  ;  execution  by  Pedrarias, 
79 

Cordova,  one  of  the  captains  in 
Quesada's  flotilla,  116 

CosA,  Juan  de  la,  cartographer ; 
with  Bastidas,  50  ;  vith  Ojeda  ; 
death,  63 

Cross,  Mr.  Robert :  his  report  on 
region  east  of  Popayan  and 
Timana,  vii 


DxjQUESNE,  J.  Domingo :  his 
explanation  of  the  Chibcha 
calendar,  8,  37 


Enciso,  Martin  Fernandez  de : 
sent  for  relief  of  Ojeda  55 ; 
return  to  Spain  57  ;  in  expe- 
dition of  Pedrarias  58 ;  his 
descriptive  work  59-61 ;  holds 
a  residencia  on  Vasco  Nunez,  70 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  SPANIARDS 


229 


EsPiNOSA,  Licentiate :  condemned 
Vasco  Nunez  under  pressure 
from  Pedrarias,  but  protests, 
76 


Fedeeman,  Nicolas  :  German  in 
Venezuela,  91 ;  his  expedition, 
91  ;  reached  Bogota  ;  return  to 
Spain,  142,  145 

FoNTE,  Lazaro,  one  of  Quesada's 
captains,  115,  26 

Fresle,  Juan  Antonio  :  author  of 
a  history  of  New  Granada  down 
to  1618,  MS.,  7 


Galanga,  Oidor  of  the  Audiencia 

of  Bogota,  180,  183,  186 
Galarza,     Andres,     founder     of 

Ibague,  184 
Gauana,  Martin,  founded  Velez, 

143 
Gallegos,  Licentiate :  misconduct 

when   in   charge  of    Quesada's 

flotilla,  123 
Garavita,  Francisco  :  sent  to  Cuba 

by  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  for 

shipwrights  and   materials    for 

building,  72 
Gasca,   Pedro  de  la :     summons 

Belalcazar  to  help  him  against 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  106 
George  of  Spines,  Governor  of 

Venezuela     for     the     Velzers ; 

expedition    into    the    interior ; 

death  at  Coro,  90 
GoNGORA,  Oidor  of  the  Audiencia 

of  Bogota,  180,  183,  186 
Grajada  (Factor)  of    Garcia  de 

Lerma ;    his  treatment   of   Va- 

dillo,  84 
GuERRA,   Cristoval :    depredation 

of  coast  of  Spanish  main,  51 
Gutierrez,    Elvira :     made    the 

first  wheaten  bread  in  Bogota, 

148 


Hbredia,    Pedro   de:     letter   to 
Charles    V.,   2  ;     served   under 


Vadillo,  86 ;  early  life  in  Madrid, 
86 ;  Governor  of  Cartagena  87  ; 
expeditions  ;  pohcy  87  ;  Besi- 
dencia,  88  ;  dispute  with 
Belalcazar,  106 ;  many  years 
Governor  ;  death  in  shipwreck, 
109 

Heredia,  Alonso  de,  brother  of  the 
Governor  Don  Pedro  ;  founded 
Mompox,  106 

Herrera,  Decades  :  general  ac- 
count of  the  conquest  of  New 
Granada,  7 

HuLTON :  travels,  191 

Humboldt,  Baron  :  view  of  Lake 
Guatavita,  26  ;  account  of  the 
Chibcha  calendar,  37 

HuRTADO,  Bartolome,  one  of  the 
marauding  captains  of  Pedrarias, 
70 _^ 


Infante  (Oidor),  temporarily 
Governor  of  Santa  Martha  after 
the  death  of  Lerma,  85 


Jovio  Paulo,  Quesada's  criticism 

on,  163 
JuNCO,  Juan  de,  one  of  Quesada's 

captains,  115 


Ladrillo,  Juan  :  founded  Buena- 
ventura, 103 

Las  Casas  :  His  denunciation  of 
Luis  de  Lugo  168  ;  the  New 
Laws,  175 

Lebrija,  Antonio  de  :  his  report, 
3 ;  one  of  Quesada's  captains, 
115 

Lebron,  Geronimo  146  :  claim  to 
New  Granada ;  expedition  re- 
tires, 147 

Leon,  Pedro  de  Cieza  de,  96  ;  his 
account  of  expeditions  of  Vadillo 
and  Robledo,  97,  156 

Lerma,  Garcia  de,  Governor  of 
Santa  Martha,  84.  85 ;  death, 111 

LoRENZANO,  Don  Narciso,  vii 


230 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  SPANIARDS 


Lugo,  Adelantado  Pedro  Fer- 
nandez de,  Governor  of  Santa 
Martha,  111 ;  selects  Quesada  to 
command  his  expedition  115; 
death,  117 

LiJGO,  Bernardo  de  :  his  grammar 
of  the  Chibcha  (Muysca)  lan- 
guage, 8,  32  in.) 

Lugo,  Bishop  of :  favourable  to 
Quesada  in  the  Council  of  the 
Indies,  161 

Lugo,  Luis  Alonso  de,  son  of  the 
Adelantado,  111;  deserts,  steal- 
ing the  gold,  113;  fortunate 
marriage,  160 ;  Governor  at 
Bogota,  164-167  ;  returns  with 
plunder,  167  ;  denounced  by- 
Las  Casas,  168  ;  impunity,  169 

Lugo,  Luis  Alonso  Fernandez, 
son  of  Luis ;  married,  but  died 
young,  170  {n.) 

Lugo,  Luisa,  daughter  of  Luis, 
wife  of  the  Duke  of  Terra 
Nova,  mother  of  the  Princess  of 
Asculi,  170  (n.) 

Lugo,  Montalvo,  cousin  of  Luis ; 
in  temporary  charge  at  Bogota, 
174 


Maldonado,  Baltasar ;  encomen- 
dero  of  Duitama  ;  murderer  of 
the  patriot  chief,  Tundama,  152, 
153 

Manjarres,  one  of  the  captains  in 
Quesada' s  flotilla,  116 

Martin,  Alonso :  treachery  to 
the  Ocavitas,  155 

Medrano,  Fray  Pedro :  his  MS. 
used  by  Simon ;  death  in  the 
forest,  185 

Melo,  sent  to  explore  the  Magda- 
lena,  85 

Mendoza,  Maria  de,  wife  of 
Francisco  de  Los  Cobos,  Secre- 
tary to  Charles  V.,  160 

Mercado,  judge  of  the  Bogota 
Attdiencia;  died  at  Mompox, 
18J 

Mollien's  travels,  191 

Montalvo,     Juan    de,    husband 


of  Elvira  de  Gutierrez  {whom 
see). 

MoNTANO,  Juez  de  Besidencia; 
arrested  the  other  judges  ;  long 
in  charge  at  Bogota,  185 

Morales,  Caspar  de :  atrocious 
cruelty  ;  one  of  the  captains  of 
Pedrarias,  70 

Mosquera,  General  President  of 
New  Granada,  vii,  x 

MuNOZ :  Coll.  reports  of  San 
Martin  and  Lebrija,  3 

MuTis,  Don  Jose  Celestino,  bo- 
tanist :  his  botanical  work,  vii, 
188  {n.);  showed  the  work  of 
Duquesne  on  the  Chibcha 
calendar  to  Humboldt,  37 


NicuESA,  Diego,  Governor  of  Cas- 
tilla  del  Oro  ;  misfortunes  and 
death,  52,  53,  54 

NoRONA  Y  Mendoza,  Beatriz  de, 
wife  of  Luis  de  Lugo,  160 

OcARiz,  Juan  Flores  de :  wrote 
a  work  on  the  genealogies  of  the 
first  settlers  in  New  Granada.  7 

Ojeda,  Alonso  de,  Governor  of  New 
Andalusia,  51  ;  character,  62.; 
defeat  at  Turbaco,  53  ;  mis- 
fortunes at  Uraba,  54 ;  death,  55 

Olalla  :  thrown  down  a  precipice 
at  the  rock  of  Tausa,  attacking 
a  native  stronghold,  154 

Gruna  family,  representatives 
and  heirs  of  Quesada,  188 

OsoRNO,  Count  of :  in  favour  of 
Quesada' s  claims  in  the  Council 
of  the  Indies,  161 

OviEDO  :  accompanied  Pedrarias,^ 
68;  historian,  7 

Palomino,  Rodrigo,  successor  of 
Bastidas  at  Santa  Martha,  81 ; 
death  crossing  a  river,  83,  84 

Paris,  Juan  Ignacio  :  his  attempt 
to  drain  the  Guatavita  Lake  in 
1822 ;  account  by  Captain 
Cochrane,  R.N.,  26 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  SPANIAKDS 


231 


Pedeabias,  Pedro  Arias  Davila, 
57;  arrival  at  Darien,  69,  70; 
his  character,  71,  72;  execution 
of  Vasco  Nuiiez  and  others,  74, 
75,  76 ;  founds  Panama,  78 ; 
death  at  Leon,  79 

Pedroso,  Francisco  Nuiiez,  foun- 
der of  Marquita,  184 

Philip,  Prince  :  favoured  Luis  de 
Lugo,  169 

PiEDEAHTTA,  Lucas  Femandcz,  5 
birth,  5 ;  descent  from  the  Incas, 
5  (n.);  priesthood ;  canon,  5 
his  work  on  New  Granada,  6 
bishop  of  Santa  Martha,  6 
captured  by  buccaneers,  6 
bishop  of  Panama ;  death,  6 

Pineda,  Juan  de :  sent  against 
the  natives  of  Ocavita,  155 

PiZARRO,  Francisco,  55 ;  with 
Ojeda's  remnant,  62 ;  with 
Blasco  Nunez  at  the  discovery 
of  the  Pacific,  68 ;  with  Morales, 
69;     arrests    Vasco  Nuiiez    de 

'    Balboa,  75,  76  (n.) 

PuSoNROSTBO,  Count  of,  brother 
of  Pedrarias,  67 


QuBSADA,  Hernan  Perez,  brother 
of  the  Conqueror,  129,  136; 
cruelty,  149 ;  search  for  El 
Dorado,  150,  151  ;  imprison- 
ment ;  death,  166,  167 

QuESADA,  Francisco,  brother  of 
the  Conqueror ;  arrival  at 
Bogota  ;   death,  166,  167 

QuESADA,  Isabel,  mother  of  the 
Conqueror,  110. 

QuEVEDO,  Dr.,  bishop  of  Darien  ; 
friend  of  Vasco  Nunez  de 
Balboa,  72 


Restbepo,  Manuel ;    memoir  on 

Antiochia,  191 
Eios,  Pedro  de  los ;    superseded 

Pedrarias      as      Governor      of 

Panama,  79 
Robledo,  Jorge  :  sent  by  Aldana 

down  the  Cauca  valley  to  form 

settlements,  101 ;  went  to  Spain, 

102 ;  return,  107 ;  execution  by 

Belalcazar,  108 
RoNDON  {see  Sitarez). 


QiTESEDA,  Gonzalo  Jimenes  de : 
lawyer  in  Granada;  father  of, 
110 

QuESADA,  Gonzalo  Jimenes  de 
110;  his  reports  ;  birth;  early 
years,  110;  la\^yer  at  Granada, 
110 ;  joined  Lugo  expedition, 
HI ;  selected  to  command  the 
expedition  up  the  Magdalena, 
114,  115;  firmness  and  courage, 
115 ;  discovery  of  Chibcha 
country,  118—125;  conquest, 
126-129;  sack  of  Tunja ; 
burning  of  Suamo ;  guilt  con- 
nected with  murder  of  Sagipa  ; 
founds  Bogota ;  return  to  Spain ; 
unjust  treatment,  160  -163 ; 
life  in  Europe,  163;  return  to 
Bogota,  183;  services,  183; 
search  for  El  Dorado,  184,  185 ; 
literary  work,  186  ;  death,  188; 
character,  189 


San  Martin,  Juan  de :  his  report 
one  of  Quesada's  captains,  3 
went  up  the  Opon  River,  123 
sent  to  explore,  132;  defeated 
by  Panches,  131 

Santa  Cruz,  Licentiate  :  sent  out 
to  take  a  residencia  of  Vadillo 
at  Cartagena ;  found  the  bird 
flo^vn,  96 

Sepulveda,  Antonio  de,  of  Bo- 
gota ;  his  attempt  to  drain  the 
Guatavita  Lake,  26 

Seville,  Cardinal  Archbishop ; 
signed  a  favourable  report  on 
Quesada's  claims,  161 

SmoN,  Fray  Pedro  de:  his 
Noticias  HistoricUes ;  their 
value,  4 

SosA,  Lope  de  ;  new  governor  to 
supersede  Pedrarias,  but  he 
died  at  Darien,  74 


232 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  OF  SPANIARDS 


SiTAEEZ,  Capt.  Gonzalo  (Rondon)  : 
one  of  Quesada's  captains,  115  ; 
founded  Tunja,  143 ;  in  charge 
of  Bogota,  147  ;  imprisoned  by 
Lugo,  166,  174 


Tebnaux  Compans:  publication 
of  reports  of  San  Martin  and 
Labrija,  3 

Teiana,  Jose  :  eminent  Colombian 
botanist ;  editor  of  a  great 
work  on  the  Chinchona-trees 
of  Colombia,  with  the  drawings 
of  Mutis,  vii 

Uebina,  a  captain  in  Quesada's 

flotilla,  116 
Ueicoechba,  Ezequiel :  works  on 

Chibcha  antiquites  and  grammar, 

and  vocabulary  of  the  Chibcha 

language,  8,  32 
Uesua,  Pedro  de,  a  captain  who 

founded  Pampluna,  174,  179 

Vadillo,  Pedro,  governor  of  Santa 
Martha ;  cruelties  and  death, 
84,85 

Vadillo  (Oidor) :  Juez  de  Resi- 
dencia  at  Cartagena  88 ;  ex- 
pedition, 96,  97  ;  discovery  of 
the  Cauca  valley,  100 ;  return 
and  death,  100 


Valdeerabano,  Licentiate :  con- 
versation with  Vaaco  Nunez  de 
Balboa,  74  ;    execution,  77 

Valenzuela,  one  of  Quesada's 
captains,  115  ;  expedition  to  the 
emerald  mine  at  Samondoco, 
132 

Vanegas,  Hernan :  encounters 
with  the  Panches,  171  ;  expedi- 
tion to  the  gold-mines,  172 ; 
league  with  native  tribe,  173  ; 
final  submission  of  the  Panches ; 
wise  policy,  173 

Vela,  Blasco  Nunez  de  (Viceroy) : 
takes  refuge  with  Belalcazar, 
105 

Velasco,  Ortun,  in  the  expedition 
of  Pedro  de  Ursua,  179 

Velasquez,  Ortun,  one  of  the 
captains  in  Quesada's  flotiUa, 
116 

Velzees  of  Augsburg :  their 
contract  to  colonise  Venezuela, 
88 

Villafuerte,  Juan  de  :  murderer 
of  Bastidas,  81 

ViLLALOBOS  :  fiscal  of  the  council 
of  the  Indies ;  demands  on 
Quesada,  162 


Zamoea,  Fray  Antonio  de :  his- 
torian of  the  Dominican  Order 
in  New  Granada,  7 


THE    END 


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